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John Mwakangale

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John Mwakangale
human
Ein sex anaa gendermale Edit
Ein country of citizenshipTanzania Edit
Name wey dem give amJohn Edit
Native languageSwahili Edit
Languages edey speak, rep anaa signEnglish, Swahili Edit
Ein occupationpolitician Edit

John Benedict Mugogo Mwakangale (13th November 1923-January 2002) na he be one of de main leaders wey fight for Tanganyika ein independence (wey now be part of Tanzania) during British colonial rule.[1][2][3][4] Wen de country gain independence, Mwakangale join de first cabinet under Julius Nyerere, wey be de first President of Tanzania, as Minister of Labour.[5] Mwakangale too be person wey dem dey see as Pan-Africanist plus strong African nationalist. Na he be de first leader wey Nelson Mandela meet for 1962 wen Mandela escape from prison dey look for help from oda African leaders. Mandela talk dis meeting well-well for ein book Long Walk to Freedom.[6]

Career

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Wen dem form de Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) for Dar es Salaam insyd July 1954 under Julius Nyerere ein leadership to take lead de struggle for independence, Mwakangale turn one of de main leaders wey dey known well for de country insyd de Southern Highlands Province. E sana be one of de leaders for de Pan-African Freedom Movement insyd East den Central Africa (PAFMECA) wey dem form for Mwanza, Tanganyika, insyd September 1958 under de same Nyerere ein leadership. PAFMECA dey mobilise den coordinate de fight for independence for East-Central African countries like Tanganyika, Kenya, Zanzibar, Uganda, Nyasaland (wey dem later call Malawi), Northern Rhodesia (wey now be Zambia), den Southern Rhodesia (wey dem later call Zimbabwe). Dem later change de name go Pan-African Freedom Movement for East, Central and Southern Africa (PAFMECSA) wen dem add countries from southern Africa, including apartheid South Africa. John Mwakangale still remain key leader for de bigger freedom movement.[7][8]

Insyd 1958, Mwakangale be one of de few African leaders wey dem elect go de Legislative Council (LEGCO), wey be colonial parliament wey British colonial rulers control under British governor for Tanganyika. During dat time, de governor be Sir Edward Twining, wey serve from 1949 to 1958. After am, Sir Richard Turnbull take over for July 1958. Turnbull be de last colonial governor den he give power to Julius Nyerere on independence day, 9 December 1961. Nyerere come turn de first prime minister for de newly independent nation of Tanganyika.[9]

LEGCO ein members dem elect dem under one tripartite system wey represent three racial groups: Europeans (wey mostly be British settlers), Asians (wey mostly be Tanganyikans from Indian den Pakistan origin, wey also include Arabs), den Africans (or black people) wey be de majority of Tanganyika demma population. Mwakangale represent de Southern Highlands Province inside de colonial legislature, where he den ein colleagues still dey push for independence.

De Southern Highlands Province wey Mwakangale represent for LEGCO be one out of seven provinces inside colonial Tanganyika. De provinces be: Western Province (wey be de biggest), Lake Province, Northern Province, Central Province, Coast Province, Southern Province, den de Southern Highlands Province (wey people just dey call Southern Highlands). Insyd 1963, dem divide de provinces into smaller administrative units wey dem call regions.

After Tanganyika win ein independence for December 1961, Mwakangale still continue to dey serve as member of parliament.

Dem describe Mwakangale as de most “anti-white” den “anti-British” member of de government. He too dey defend African workers demma interest strong. Humphrey Taylor, one British man wey work as District Officer (D.O.) for Tanganyika from 1959 go 1962, write dis about John Mwakangale when he dey cabinet serve as Minister of Labour under Prime Minister Nyerere:

"Just afta Tanganyika gain ein independence, den close to de end of de time wey I serve as District Officer for Njombe, one British manager of de Commonwealth Development Corporation ein wattle plantation plus factory wey dey just some few miles from de District Office call me. De factory dey process de bark dem strip from de wattle trees to make tannin. De workers for there go strike dey demand higher pay, partly because dem feel say now wey de country no be British colony again, dem for dey earn more.

De manager call me because he fear say de big crowd of strikers wey gather near de factory fit attack or spoil am. He beg for police protection. I come reach there some time later plus around ten or fifteen African policemen. I no dey sure if dem carry any weapon pass truncheons. Maybe dem carry rifles too. But as e happen, everything go on peacefully, no serious wahala happen. Me plus de police stand there for about two hours between de strikers den de factory. After that, de strikers scatter go demma houses. No violence happen at all.

But de local union leader come send one hot telegram go Minister of Labour, John Mwakangale, wey dey Dar es Salaam. Inside de message, he write say de situation dey dangerous, say British colonial District Officer plus de police do provoking action, say e get 'danger of de spilling of blood.' Dem believe say Mwakangale be de most strongly anti-white or anti-British member of de government. He come reply with one sharp telegram say he dey come Njombe de next day, plus he send we one hard warning say he no dey happy with wetin I do, say make we meet sharp sharp as soon as he land."

At de beginning of de meeting, Mwakangale come dey very harsh den aggressive, but as he start listen to de manager, de police den me, he begin understand wetin really happen den wetin no happen. By de time de meeting end, we all go drink some beers together.

Small time after, I go Dar es Salaam to catch plane go back home as my short colonial career end. As I dey waka for street, I see small group of African cabinet ministers, Mwakangale too dey among dem, dey come from de other side. As he see me, he run cross de road quick, greet me warmly, hold my hand, den carry me go meet ein fellow cabinet ministers. He tell dem how sorry he be say I dey leave Tanganyika.

John Mwakangale na de first leader for Tanganyika wey Nelson Mandela meet for January 1962 when Mandela secretly comot South Africa to go find support from oda African countries for de struggle against white minority rule for ein homeland. Tanganyika na de first independent African country wey Mandela visit after he comot South Africa for de first time. Mandela meet Mwakangale for Mbeya, wey be de capital for de Southern Highlands Province. De Tanganyika government appoint Mwakangale make he receive Mandela for Mbeya on demma behalf. After Mandela meet Mwakangale, he fly go Dar es Salaam de next day where he meet Julius Nyerere. Nyerere be de first leader for independent African country wey Mandela meet. For ein autobiography, Long Walk to Freedom, Mandela talk about how he meet Mwakangale for Mbeya and how, for de first time for ein life, he feel free den proud say he dey insyd one independent African country:

"Early morning we lef from Bechuanaland (wey now be Botswana) go Mbeya, one town wey dey near de Northern Rhodesian border. For Mbeya, we lodge for one local hotel den see crowd of black den white people wey dey sit for de veranda dey talk nicely. Never before I don dey insyd public place or hotel wey no get colour bar. We dey wait for Mr. John Mwakangale from de Tanganyika African National Union, member of Parliament, but we no know say he don already come look for we. One African guest go meet de white receptionist. “Madam, Mr. Mwakangale come ask for dis two gentlemen?” he ask as he point we. “I sorry, sir,” she talk. “He come but I forget to tell dem.” “Make you careful, madam,” he reply calm but firm. “Dis men be our guests den we want make dem receive proper attention.”
Na den I truly realize say I dey insyd country wey Africans dey rule. For de first time for my life, I be free man. Even though I be fugitive wey dem dey find for my own land, I feel say de weight of oppression don comot from my shoulders. Everywhere I go for Tanganyika, my skin colour be normal thing wey people accept, dem no dey hate me because of am. People dey look me not based on my colour but on how my mind den character be. Even though I miss home throughout my travels, I feel say dis be de first time I dey truly home.
We reach Dar es Salaam de next day den I meet Julius Nyerere, de first president for de newly independent country. We talk for ein house, wey no be anything grand, and I remember say he drive ein own self come insyd one simple car, small Austin. Dis impress me, because e show say he be man of de people. Nyerere always talk say class no be African thing; say socialism be what Africa already get."

Nationalism

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Professor John Iliffe for ein book A Modern History of Tanganyika describe John Mwakangale as one "vehement nationalist," wey some of de talk wey Mwakangale make for parliament support. According to Professor Paul Bjerk for ein book Building a Peaceful Nation: Julius Nyerere and the Establishment of Sovereignty in Tanzania, 1960 - 1964:

Insyd October 1961, some members from Nyerere ein own party start to show racial feelings when dem bring one proposal to delay citizenship for non-Africans for five years after independence. Christopher Kasanga Tumbo beg make dem create difference between “native” and “immigrant races”. One TANU member from Mbeya, J. B. Mwakangale, even talk say make non-African ministers resign after independence. “We no get proof say dem loyal. Dem dey deceive and lie give we,” na wetin Mwakangale talk.

But Nyerere vex come talk say he plus ein ministers go resign if de assembly no gree support de policy of TANU. He condemn de hypocrisy of any policy wey go favour Africans for country wey just dey come out from colonial system wey get racial prejudice. Nyerere, as he vex dey show for face, argue say once racial bias enter Tanganyikan politics, de thing go start grow ein own way, bring serious ethnic wahala everywhere.

One day go come wey we go start talk say all man wey God create equal, except de Masai, except de Wagogo, except de Waha, except de people wey get plenti wives, except de Muslims, etc... You know wetin dey happen when people start dey high for power den begin praise demma own tribe or race—na so people like Hitler dey behave. You sef know where such people dey carry human beings go. People like Verwoerd for South Africa—na so dem dey do...
Make I talk am again, and talk am strong: dis government don reject, and reject am completely, any idea say na anything apart from loyalty to dis country go determine who be citizen plus de rights and duties wey come plus am. — (Paul Bjerk, Building a Peaceful Nation: Julius Nyerere and the Establishment of Sovereignty in Tanzania, 1960–1964, Rochester, New York: University of Rochester Press, 2015, pp. 72–73).[10]

John Mwakangale too stand strong against de bringing of American Peace Corps to come work for Tanganyika. He believe say dem dey come to scatter de country and try overthrow de government. “Anywhere wey dem dey, na problem we dey hear, people dey try overthrow government. Dis people no come for peace, dem come bring wahala. We no want any more Peace Corps,” na so dem quote am for one news story wey bear de headline “M.P. Attacks American Peace Corps,” wey be de main tory for de front page of Tanganyika Standard (wey dem later rename Daily News for 1972), 12 June 1964.[11]

Professor Henry Bienen, for ein book Tanzania: Party Transformation and Economic Development, talk say dis idea of citizenship wey no base on race plus equality for everybody for de new Tanganyika wey dey prepare for independence, cause some TANU members for de National Assembly make dem begin get anti-Commonwealth plus racial-minded talk. One MP, John Mwakangale—wey later become regional commissioner den parliamentary secretary—talk say:

"I tink say 75 percent of de non-African people still dey see African for Tanganyika as person wey no reach dem level as human being. Why e be so? E be because white people don dey rule us both for money matter and for government, and de Asians wey be dem neighbour too don dey rule us for money side... You think say ordinary African wey plenty pass for population go gree make e get de same rights plus Europeans and Asians? For me, e no go gree...

All foreigners wey dey live for Tanganyika now now and don carry dem money go back to dem home country or to other country, dem must bring de money back within five years. I talk am again... dem must bring am back. From now, all dem foreigners wey get money... dem must contribute at least 15 percent of dem money to we, de Tanganyika National Fund."

Other MPs talk almost de same kind things. National Assembly members Tumbo, Msindai, Mtaki den Wambura express views wey go same way. Msindai later become area commissioner for 1962. Mtaki den Wambura too become regional commissioners and later be junior ministers.

Dis long talk wey Mr. Mwakangale dey make get cut short by de Speaker after he talk say, “dem dey deceive we, dem dey cheat we, dem dey do all kind things like say dem be our friends—but me I know…”

Then Mr. Nyerere stand up reply say: “Nothing fit show bigger difference pass how dis people dey talk and how dis Government here dey reason. Discrimination against human beings because of dem color na de exact thing wey we dey fight against.”

Before dis, insyd October 1961, many of de same people wey talk for Parliament sanso fight against de government ein position and Nyerere ein view insyd NEC—the main decision body for TANU. Dem no stop for there; dem continue dis challenge again for anoda NEC meeting for January 1962. Na there Nyerere decide for ein heart say he go resign. He later talk say e first begin think about resigning back for October 1961 after dem debates for National Assembly.

By den (January 1962), pressure from middle-level leaders — regional/district secretaries den chairmen, MPs, MNE, administrative secretaries for National Headquarters, plus trade union leaders — e become very strong. As dem present de Citizenship Bill to de National Assembly for October 1961, Nyerere talk say he go resign unless de House support am. Under dis threat, de Bill pass overwhelmingly, but discontent no end insyd TANU over racial matters wey grow from economic imbalances. Throughout de last two months of 1961, unrest continue, den Asians dey face threats from time to time insyd different parts of Tanganyika.

References

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  1. Mwakikagile Godfrey, Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era, New Africa Press (2010), Fifth Edition, Pretoria, South Africa, pp. 94, 105, 112, 119, 329–330, 492
  2. Illife, John, A Modern History of Tanganyika, Cambridge University Press (1979), Cambridge, pp. 560, 565
  3. Aminzade, Ronald, Race, Nation, and Citizenship in Post-Colonial Africa: The Case of Tanzania, New York, Cambridge University Press(2013), p. 16
  4. Longford, Michael, The Flags Changed at Midnight: Towards the Independence of Tanganyika, Gracwing (2001), Leominster, Herefordshire, U.K., p. 48.
  5. Mwakikagile, Godfrey (2018-05-06). The African Liberation Struggle: Reflections (in English). Intercontinental Books. ISBN 978-9987-16-010-5.
  6. Mandela, Nelson, Long Walk to Freedom: The Autobiography of Nelson Mandela, Little, Brown and Co., New York, (1994), p. 538, ISBN 0-316-87496-5
  7. Lawrence, David, Tanzania: The Land, Its People and Contemporary Life, New Africa Press (2009), Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, pp. 199–200
  8. Brennan, James R., Taifa: Making Nation and Race in Urban Tanzania, Athens, Ohio, USA, (2012), p. 164.
  9. Mwakikagile, Godfrey, Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era, op. cit., pp. 112:
    "TANU delegates at the Tabora conference chose the following candidates for the Legislative Council (LEGCO) seats in the 1958 election: Julius Nyerere, John Keto, Solomon Eliufoo, John Mwakangale, and Chief Abdallah Said Fundikira. Because of the system of racial parity as the basis for the electoral contest, they were guaranteed victory from their African constituencies and became the first African members of LEGCO just two years before independence."
  10. Bjerk, Paul, Building a Peaceful Nation: Julius Nyerere and the Establishment of Sovereignty in Tanzania, 1960 – 1964, Rochester, New York: University of Rochester Press, 2015, pp. 72 – 73
  11. The Tanganyika Standard, page 1, 12 June 1964. The Tanganyika Standard was renamed Daily News in 1972

Bibliography

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  • Mwakikagile, Godfrey, Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era, New Africa Press (2010), Fifth Edition, Pretoria, South Africa, pp. 94, 105, 112, 119, 329–330, 492
  • Mwakikagile, Godfrey, Life in Tanganyika in The Fifties, Third Edition, New Africa Press (2010), Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, p. 149
  • Illife, John, A Modern History of Tanganyika, Cambridge University Press (1979), Cambridge, pp. 560, 565
  • Aminzade, Ronald, Race, Nation, and Citizenship in Post-Colonial Africa: The Case of Tanzania, New York, Cambridge University Press(2013), p. 16
  • Longford, Michael, The Flags Changed at Midnight: Towards the Independence of Tanganyika, Gracwing (2001), Leominster, Herefordshire, U.K., p. 48.
  • Chiume, M. W. Kanyama, Kwacha: An Autobiography, East African Publishing House, Nairobi, Kenya (1975), p. 92
  • Chiume, M.W.K., Autobiography of Kanyama Chiume, Panaf (1982), London, p. 100
  • Lawrence, David, Tanzania: The Land, Its People and Contemporary Life, New Africa Press (2009), Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, pp. 199–200
  • Brennan, James R., Taifa: Making Nation and Race in Urban Tanzania, Athens, Ohio, USA, (2012), p. 164.
  • Mandela, Nelson, Long Walk to Freedom: The Autobiography of Nelson Mandela, Little, Brown and Co., New York, (1994), p. 538, ISBN 0-316-87496-5
  • Bjerk, Paul, Building a Peaceful Nation: Julius Nyerere and the Establishment of Sovereignty in Tanzania, 1960 – 1964, Rochester, New York: University of Rochester Press, (2015), pp. 72 – 73
  • Mwakikagile, Godfrey, The African Liberation Struggle: Reflections, Intercontinental Books (2018), p. 85, ISBN 9789987160105 (last retrieved 6 December 2018)
  • Godfrey Mwakikagile: Eurocentric Africanist?