Slavery for ancient Rome

Slavery for ancient Rome

aspect in a historical period

Subclass of	Slavery
Country	Ancient Rome

Slavery for ancient Rome dey very important for their society and economy. Those wey no get skills or low skills, dem dey work for fields, mines, and mills, no chance to make progress or get freedom. But those wey sabi skills and educated—like artisans, chefs, house helps, entertainers, business managers, account guys, teachers, secretaries, civil servants, and doctors—dem dey in better level of servitude, and fit hope for freedom through some correct ways wey law dey protect. The chance to gree person free and make am citizen na wetin separate Rome system of slavery, wey bring plenty free people join Roman society.

For all kind jobs, free workers, former slaves, an di people wey dey suffer, mostly dey do same kind work. Rich Romans wey make dem money from property no see big difference between slavery an people wey dey earn wages. Slaves be like property under Roman law, dem no get rights like proper people. Unlike Roman citizens, dem fit face serious punishment, sexual wahala, torture, an even die like dat. Di most brutal punishment na for slaves. Wetin dem go chop, di house wey dem go live, di clothes wey dem go wear, an di healthcare all depend on wetin dem feel dem fit do for dia masters wey fit be wicked or show small kindness sometimes.

Some people just born into slavery, dem be pikin of enslaved mama. Others just turn slaves. War capture people dey considered enslaved by law, and when Roman military dey expand during Republican time, na dat one be big source of slaves. From 2nd century BC to late ancient time, kidnapping and piracy dey put freeborn people for Mediterranean wahala of illegal slavery, especially poor children dey suffer. Even though dem pass law to stop debt slavery early for Rome, some people still decide sell themselves as slaves to escape hunger. The slave trade, wey dem dey tax small and regulate, dey thrive for all corners of Roman Empire and beyond. In ancient times, dem dey see slavery as political matter, as one group dey dominate another, any race fit become slave, including freeborn Romans. All communities for Roman Empire dey practice am, even among Jews and Christians. Even small, normal homes dey expect make dem get two or three slaves. After slave rebellions, Spartacus wey dem defeat for 71 BC mark the end; slave uprisings dey come rare during Imperial time, when individual escape na the main resistance style. Hunting runaway slaves be the main police work for Roman Empire.

Moral wahala wey dey talk about slavery be all about how dem dey treat slaves, and plenty people wey wan free dem no dey like talk. Di inscriptions wey slaves and people wey don free create plus di art for dem houses show how dem see themselves small small. Some writers and philosophers for Roman time be former slaves or dem pikin wey don free. Some scholars don try imagine how slaves for Roman world dey live through wetin happen for Atlantic slave trade, but e hard to sabi wetin be di 'normal' Roman slave as di work wey slaves and freedmen dey do plenty and di kind levels wey dem get for society too complex.

Origin

From di early days for Rome, dem dey get domestic slaves wey be part of familia, wey be di whole paddy wey dey depend on di household—na dat word dey refer to di slaves together. Pliny wey be for 1st century AD, he dey miss di time wey di ancients dey live close in one house, no need for plenty slaves—but e still dey see dis simple life as better when dem get one slave. Everybody wey dey part of di familia, dem dey answer to di paterfamilias, di ‘father’ or di oga for di house, wey go fit own di estate. Seneca talk say early Romans dey call paterfamilias as one sweet name for di way one master dey relate with him slaves. Di word for ‘master’ na dominus as di one wey dey control di house; dominium na di control wey him get over di slaves. Di paterfamilias get power of life and death over di people wey dey under him roof, including him pikin and di slaves. Di Greek historian Dionysius of Halicarnassus talk say dis right don dey since di legendary time of Romulus.

Unlike Greek city-states, Rome be plenty different people wey gree former slaves become citizens. Dionysius talk say e dey surprise say when Romans free their slaves, dem dey give dem Roman citizenship too. The stories wey dey talk about how Rome start try explain this mix wey dey happen and how freedmen play role for Roman society. The legendary way Romulus start am be like him build place wey dey welcome people, wey historian Livy talk say na mostly former slaves, wandering people and runaways wey dey look for fresh start as citizens of new city, wey Livy say na where Rome dey gather strength. Servius Tullius, the sixth king wey dey like legend, people talk say e be the son of slave woman, and the whole slavery matter dey connect to some religious parties and temples wey the Romans link to him reign. Some legal and religious things wey relate to slavery dey fit see even from Rome early days. The Twelve Tables, wey be the first Roman law code, no dey talk about slavery but everybody sabi say e dey. But dem mention manumission and freedmen wey dem dey call cives Romani liberti, means

The Roman lawyer Gaius talk say slavery na "the state wey ius gentium dey recognize wey person dey under another person control wey no be normal" (Institutiones 1.3.2, 161 AD). Ulpian (2nd century AD) too see slavery as part of the ius gentium, wey be the customary international law wey all people dey agree on (gentes). For Ulpian own way to divide law, the "law of nations" no be natural law, wey suppose dey for nature and govern animals and humans, and e no be civil law, the law wey dey for specific people or nation. All human beings dey born free (liberi) under natural law, but because slavery be common practice, each nation go get their own civil law wey concern slaves. For ancient war, if you win, you fit use ius gentium to enslave the population wey you beat; but if dem settle peacefully through talk or formal surrender, by custom, dem suppose free the people from violence and slavery. The ius gentium no be law code, and e depend on "reasoned compliance with standards of international conduct". Though Rome early wars na defensive, but if Rome win, dem go still do slavery for the defeated as wey e happen after dem finish war with Etruscan city of Veii for 396 BC. Defensive wars too dey take manpower from agriculture, so the demand for labor go increase—we fit use war captives fit that demand. From the sixth to third centuries BC, Rome dey turn into "slave society", wey the first two Punic Wars (265–201 BC) bring plenty slaves. By the 2nd century AD, slavery with chance for manumission don enter Roman society well well, so most free citizens for Rome fit get slaves "somewhere for their ancestry".

Enslaving of Roman citizens

Romans dey pass under di Yoke (1858) by Charles Gleyre, dem dey imagine how Romans go suffer after dem lose to di Helvetii about 107 BC (Cantonal Museum of Fine Arts)

For early Rome, di Twelve Tables allow debt slavery under serious terms, make freeborn Romans fit dey enslaved if dem fall into wahala. One law for around 4th century BC stop creditors from enslaving debtor as private matter, but debtor fit still dey forced by court to work off im debt. Other than dat, di only way wey Romans of di Republican time sabi to legally enslave freeborn citizen na if dem lose battle and dem capture under di ius gentium.

Di Carthaginian leader Hannibal dey enslave plenty Roman war captives during di Second Punic War. After Rome lose for di Battle of Lake Trasimene (217 BC), di treaty talk say dem go ransom prisoners of war, but di Roman senate no agree, and di commander himself come pay di ransom. After di wahala wey happen for di Battle of Cannae di next year, Hannibal again talk say dem go redeem di captives, but di senate still vote no, prefer to send message say soldiers fit fight to win or die. Hannibal later sell di prisoners of war to di Greeks, and dem remain slaves till di Second Macedonian War, when Flamininus recover 1,200 men wey survive under slavery for about twenty years after Cannae. Di war wey make plenty slaves come into Roman society also open door for many Roman citizens to face enslavement too.

For later Republic and during Imperial time, plenty soldiers, citizens, and their slaves for Roman East dey suffer as Parthians and later Sasanian Empire carry dem go captivity. Dem Parthians catch 10,000 survivors after Marcus Crassus lose for Battle of Carrhae for 53 BC and march dem 1,500 miles go Margiana for Bactria, wey nobody sabi wetin happen to dem. E be true say dem dey think about how to bring

Shapur I employed enslaved Roman engineers, craftsmen, and labor for his monumental building program at such sites as Naqsh-e Rostam, present-day Iran.

Detail of relief (lower left above) depicting the Roman emperor Valerian (sometimes identified as Philip the Arab) submitting to Shapur I

back Roman military standards wey dem loss for Carrhae for long time, but nobody show plenty concern for liberating Roman prisoners. Poet Horace, wey write about thirty years after the battle, imagine say dem don marry “barbarian” women and dey serve Parthian army, too shame to return to Rome. Shapur I use enslaved Roman engineers, craftsmen, and labor for him big building project for places like Naqsh-e Rostam, wey dey Iran today. Relief wey dey show Roman emperor Valerian (some say na Philip the Arab) dey bow down to Shapur I. Valerian na the first emperor wey dem capture after Shapur I defeat am for Battle of Edessa for AD 260. According to some angry Christian sources, the old emperor dey face plenty wahala like slave. Reliefs and inscriptions wey dey for sacred Zoroastrian site of Naqsh-e Rostam, southwest Iran, dey celebrate Shapur I victories over Romans, with emperors dey bow down and legionaries dey pay tribute. Shapur inscriptions talk say the Roman troops wey im enslave come from all corners of the empire.

If Roman guy lose him freedom for war, e go lose him citizen status back home. E no go fit own property again, him marriage go scatter, and if e be family head, him power over him people go spoil. If dem release am from slavery, e fit get him citizen status back plus him property and power. But him marriage no go just come back; dem need to agree again. Losing citizen status dey happen when person bend to enemy state; freeborn people wey dem kidnap by robbers, dem dey see am as illegal take, so dem fit ransom am back or dem sale go no be valid, no go affect dem citizen status. This whole difference wey happen between war consequences and banditry fit be like the way Jews dey talk about “captive for kingdom” and “captive for banditry”, wey be rare chance wey Roman law dey affect rabbinic law talk. The legal way wey dem dey use to bring back war captives be postliminium; after dem don pass out of Roman area, dem go fit cross back to dem own place. No be all war captives fit come back; treaty fit allow the other side keep captives as 'slaves of the enemy'. Dem fit pay ransom to free person, whether by person, or group; if person dey ransom by outside family, e go need to pay back before him full rights go come back, and even if e be freeborn, him status dey unclear until dem clear the debt.

Di slave for Roman law and society

Sarcophagus relief wey show Valerius Petronianus, with him slave dey hold writing tablets (4th century AD)

Basically, di slave for ancient Roman law no get libertas, wey dem define liberty as "wen you no dey serve anybody". Cicero (1st century BC) talk say liberty no mean say you get correct master (dominus), but mean say you no get any. Di common Latin word wey dem dey use for "slave" na servus, but for Roman law, slave be mancipium, a neuter word wey mean something wey dem don take hold, manus, wey be metaphor for possession and control. Agricultural slaves, some farmland for Italy, and farm animals all be res mancipi, property category wey Rome’s early rural economy need formal legal process (mancipatio) to transfer ownership. Di right to trade for res mancipi be special mark of Roman citizenship for di Republican time; free noncitizens (peregrini) no fit buy and sell this property unless dem get special commercial rights.

Di Roman citizen wey fit enjoy freedom well well na di property owner, di paterfamilias wey get di legal right to control di estate. Di paterfamilias dey chop him power for di domus, di 'house' of him extended family, as di boss (dominus); patriarchy dey recognized for Roman law as how dem dey run house level. Di head of house fit manage di people wey depend on am and sabi administer justice small without much wahala from di state. For early Rome, di paterfamilias fit sell, punish, or even kill im children (liberi, di 'free ones' for di house) and di slaves of di familia. Dis power of life and death, wey dem dey call vitae necisque potestas, e dey over all di members of di extended family except im wife—free Roman woman fit get her own property as a domina, and di slaves of a married woman fit act for her own side without her husband wahala. Even though everything fit balance, Cicero bluntly talk say di difference between di father governance of him children and him slaves e dey clear: di master fit expect im children to obey am sharp but go need to 'coerce and break him slave'. Even though dem dey recognize slaves as human beings (homines, singular homo), dem no get legal personhood (Latin persona). No legal standing as person mean say a slave no fit enter legal contracts by himself; e actually remain like perpetual minor. A slave no fit dey sue or be di plaintiff for any lawsuit. Di testimony of a slave no go fit accepted for court unless dem torture di slave—dem dey believe say slaves wey dey close to dem masters' matter suppose dey too loyal to expose anything bad unless dem force am, even though di Romans sabi say testimony wey come from torture no dey reliable. A slave no fit testify against him master unless di charge na treason (crimen maiestatis).

When slave do crime, punishment wey dem go give am go dey far worse than if na free person do same crime. According to Marcel Mauss, ‘persona’ dey become like true nature of individual for Roman world, but ‘servus non habet personam’ (slave no get persona). E no get personality, no own body, no ancestors, no name, no goods wey be him own. During imperial period, if master kill slave without good reason, e fit face punishment and even sell slap for bad treatment. Claudius talk say if master abandon im slave, e go free. Nero give slaves right to complain against their masters for court. Under Antoninus Pius, if master kill slave without good reason, e fit face homicide charge. From mid to late 2nd century AD, slaves fit talk about cruel or unfair treatment from their owners. But even for late antiquity, slaves no fit file lawsuits, no fit testify without torture, and dem fit burn dem alive for testifying against their masters, so e go hard to know how dem go carry these offense go court; evidence dey scarce. As Roman Empire dey change to Christian, Constantine II (emperor AD 337–340) stop Jews from owning Christian slaves, converting dem to Judaism, or circumcising dem. Laws wey dey late antiquity wey no want make Christians belong to Jewish owners show say dem want protect Christian identity, because Christian houses still dey keep slaves wey be Christian.

Marriage and family

Main article: Contubernium

Funeral relief (around 80 BC) dey celebrate marriage wey Aurelius Hermia and Aurelia Philematium join as conliberti, wey be fellow slaves for same house wey dem don free[1] (British Museum)

For Roman law, the slave no get family—no ancestors, no papa line, and no relatives wey dey. Because dem no get legal personhood, slaves no fit marry as dem go fit under Roman law, and male slave no dey be papa by law since he no fit exercise that papa power. But, slaves wey born inside family and dem wey dey enjoy small privileges fit form union with partner wey go last, for where dem fit born pikin. Dis kind union, either arranged or approved by di slave owner, na dem dey call am contubernium. E no be marriage, but e carry legal meaning wey dem dey talk about for court cases and e show say if both fit gain freedom, dem go fit marry. Usually, contubernium na two slaves dey live together for same house, and dem dey record am as dem dey record births, deaths, and when person free for big families wey care about lineage. Sometimes, only one partner (contubernalis) fit collect freedom before di other die, and dem dey talk about am for epitaphs.

Dem quasi marital unions dey common among imperial slaves. Di master get di legal right to scatter or sell dem family members, and people fit talk say dem dey do am anyhow. But becos Romans value home-reared slaves (vernae) wen dem dey expand dem familia, e get plenty evidence say dem dey support family units, even though law no recognize am as such. Roman jurists wey sabi law talk say e good to keep slave families together, and dem don write am for di Digest plenty times. If master gree to pass him rural estate to heir, e go fit include di slaves, sometimes with di agreement say make dem family—father, mother, pikin, and grandchildren—stay together. Among di laws wey Augustus give wey concern marriage and sexual morality, one allow legal marriage between freedwoman and freeborn man wey no dey senatorial rank, and e go legitimize dia pikin too. Master fit free slave just to marry her, so e go be her patron and husband. Roman women, including freedwomen, fit own property and start divorce, no need di two partners to agree. But if marriage na condition for di freedwoman's freedom agreement, she go no get dis rights. If she wan divorce her patron and marry another person, she go need im consent; show say di man no dey mentally sound; or show say e don break dia contract by planning to marry another or dey follow another woman.

Peculium

E be say Roman slaves no fit own property, ’cause dem be property (res) by law. But e no mean say dem no fit manage property wey dem go fit use like e be dem own, even though e belong to dem master. Dem dey call fund or property wey dem set aside for slave use ‘peculium.’ Isidore of Seville, wey dey look back from early 7th century, talk say: "peculium na something wey belong to minors or slaves. E be wetin papa or master go allow im child or slave manage as im own."

E be likely say dem start to allow slave get peculium for farm estates wo dem dey set small land wey slave families fit grow dem own food. The word peculium dey show say e involve livestock (pecus). Any extra fit sell for market. Just like other things wey fit help slaves develop skills, this early kind peculium dey promote self-reliance and fit make slaves dey more productive in ways wey go help dem master too, as e dey lead to better business chances and wealth management for enslaved people.

Inscription wey show say freedman Gaius Antistius Threptus pay for dedication "with im own money" (Musée des Jacobins, Auch)

Slaves wey dey for rich household or country estate fit get small monetary peculium like allowance. Master responsibility to provide for slave food no dey count as part of the peculium. Peculium dey grow from slave own savings, including profits wey dem set aside from wetin dem owe master because of sales or business wey slave dey do, and anything wey third party fit give to slave for “meritorious services.” Di slave fit earn im own money wey fit be di source of di peculium instead of wetin di master go give. Sometimes, for inscriptions, slaves and dem wey don free go talk say dem don pay for di dedication 'with dem own money'. Di peculium fit include other slaves wey dem fit use; for dia sense, you go see say sometimes dem go write say one slave 'belong to' anoda slave. Property no fit be owned by pipo for house wey dey under di control of di head of di house—wey no be slaves only, but adult sons wey still dey minor till dia papa die. All di wealth dey belong to di head of di house, except wetin im wife fit own, wey her slaves fit dey manage dia own peculia. Di legal arrangement of peculium make both adult sons and competent slaves fit manage property, make profit, and arrange contracts. Legal texts no dey show clear difference between slaves and sons wey dey act as business agents. But dem legal restrictions wey stop unemancipated sons from collecting loans start from mid 1st century AD, make dem less useful as slaves for dat work. Slaves wey get skills and chance to earn money dey hope say dem go save plenty to buy dia freedom. But e get risk for dem wey still dey enslaved say dia master go take back di money. One of di better protections for slaves for di Imperial time be say manumission agreement fit be enforced by di slave and im master. Even though few slaves go ever hold big money, slaves wey get peculium get beta chance to get freedom. With dis business sense, some freedmen come gather plenty wealth.

Manumission

Dis be fragment of marble relief (1st century BC) wey show manumission ceremony and dem dey wear pileus, na felt cap wey dey show say person don free.

Slaves go dey released from their master's control through legal matter wey dem dey call manumissio ("manumission"), wey mean literally "release from the hand". Dis one dey different for releasing minor pikin from their papa power (potestas) wey dem dey call emancipatio, wey dey give English word "emancipation". Both manumission and emancipation go involve transfer of some or all of any money or property wey the slave or pikin fit get, plus the cost wey the slave need pay for freedom. Dem two ways dey help to break the control of the paterfamilias; na through legal story wey make emancipatio happen: e be like say na sale (mancipatio) of the minor son three times at once based on the Twelve Tables wey say pikin wey dem sell three times go free.

Slaves wey dey for emperor house (familia Caesaris) dey manumitted at ages 30 to 35—dis age no be standard for other slaves. For familia Caesaris, young woman wey dey fit born plenty pikin get better chance for manumission, make she fit marry and born free pikin, but generally, women no dey expect manumission until dem don pass their reproductive years. If slave get enough money, e fit buy freedom for another slave wey e dey live with or do business together. Age or how long dem serve no mean say dem go get manumission; "masterly generosity no dey drive how Romans dey treat their slaves."

Scholars get plenty wahala over how dem dey free slaves. If you be manual worker wey dem dey treat as commodity, e hard make you get freedom; but if you be skilled or educated city slave, your chances dey high. Hope dey plenty, but reality no fit match am according to some people. But e fit make some slaves work hard so dem no go lose di 'faithful servant' title. Slave owners dey use liberty as reward to twist morality wey dey follow as dem dey enslave people, say only ‘good’ slaves suppose get freedom, other ones no deserve am. After some time of service, manumission fit be di way wey dem agree for contract slavery, but if you enter servitude on your own, e no go allow you get full rights back. Three ways dey for manumission wey law fit recognize: by di rod, by census, and by owner will; all dis three dey approved by government. Manumissio vindicta ('by di rod') be public ceremony wey be like fake trial wey you go perform for magistrate wey get power; citizen go declare di slave free, owner no go fight am, di citizen go touch di slave with stick and say some words, then di magistrate go confirm am. Owner fit also free di slave during census by adding am to citizen roll; di censor fit freely release any slave wey go serve state as citizen. E dey possible say slaves go get freedom from owner will, sometimes with conditions of service or payment before dem go free or after.

Slaves wey dey get manumission for will sometimes dey collect small gifts too, like ownership of dem partner wey dem dey chop life with (contubernalis) fit go to dem. Heirs fit dey complicate how dem go free dem slaves, sometimes dem go say the slave must buy im freedom from dem, and if e still dey fulfill that condition, dem fit sell am. If no correct heir dey, master fit free the slave and make am heir. Formal manumission no fit change by patron, and Nero talk say state no get matter for am. Freedom fit come informally too, like per epistulam, for letter wey talk say dem wan free, or inter amicos, wey mean 'among friends,' wey the owner go announce slave freedom in front of people. During Republic, informal manumission no give citizen status, but Augustus go try make am clear for dem wey don free. One law introduce 'Junian Latin' status for those slaves wey dey get informal manumission, like 'half-way' wey no dey allow dem make will. In 2 BC, lex Fufia Caninia talk say e limit how many slaves fit free through master will base on property size. Six years later, another law stop free slaves wey be younger than thirty years, with some exceptions. Emperor household slaves dey among those wey go fit receive manumission plenty, and the usual legal rules no apply for dem.

By early 4th century AD, when Empire dey turn Christian, dem fit free slaves inside church by some ritual, wey bishop or priest go lead. Constantine I come pass law wey say manumission fit happen inside church for AD 316 and 323, but e no start for Africa till AD 401. Churches fit free slaves from their membership, and clergy fit just declare free their own slaves without any paper or witness. Novella 142 wey Justinian pass for 6th century give bishop power to free slaves.

Freedmen

Illustration by Luigi Bazzani (1895) of the atrium of the House of the Vettii, wey people think say be owned by freedmen. Main gist be say if man wey be slave get freedom legally from Roman citizen, e go enjoy not just passive freedom, but true political freedom (libertas), wey mean say e fit vote. That man wey don get libertas go be libertus (freed person, women be liberta) to him former master, wey go turn him patron (patronus). Freedmen and patrons get mutual obligation for each other inside the patronage network, and freedmen fit connect with other patrons too. One law for 118 BC talk say freedman go dey responsible only for services or projects (operae) wey dem don plan before; money no fit demand, and some freedmen no go get any formal operae. For Lex Aelia Sentia wey pass for AD 4, patron fit carry him freedman go court if e no do him operae as dem agree, but the punishment no dey include return to slavery, e dey range from warning and fine to hard labor.

As dem dey free slaves, dem be libertini, but later people dey use libertus and libertinus like say na dem same thing. Libertini no fit hold di big magistracies or priest jobs for Rome, and dem no fit reach senatorial level. But dem fit hold small neighborhood and local jobs wey fit allow dem wear toga praetexta, wey be for higher rank people, when dem do ceremo or funeral. For di towns wey dem call municipia and later towns wey be colonia, dem fit elect former slaves to any position below praetor—dis one dey hidden well for elite books and legal wahala. Ulpian talk say if one runaway slave fit become praetor, e go still dey valid if dem discover im true status, because di Roman people don chose am. Limitations dey only for di former slaves, e no touch their pikin. Cinerary urn wey dem use for freedman Tiberius Claudius Chryseros and two women, wey fit be im wife and daughter. During early Imperial period, some freedmen don get power. If dem dey under di emperor family, dem fit become big people for di government. Some rise to strong influence like Narcissus, wey be former slave of emperor Claudius. Their influence don reach level wey Hadrian dey limit am by law.

E be normal say freed people get success stories, like Lucius Arlenus Demetrius wey be cloak dealer, him dey from Cilicia, and Lucius Arlenus Artemidorus from Paphlagonia. Dem be brothers and e look like dem start dey do business when dem still dey under slavery. Some freedmen really blow cash, like the brothers wey own House of the Vettii, wey be top-tier house for Pompeii, dem fit be freedmen. Dem dey build fine tombs and monuments for demself and family to show say dem don achieve plenty. Even though dem get money and power, some upper class people dey still see dem as fresh rich (nouveau riche). For Satyricon, Trimalchio na joke version of that kind freedman. Dediticii dey special category, even though freed slaves fit become citizens, dediticii no get rights. Gaius talk say dem dey the worst type of freedom. If dem master show dem rough side—chain dem, tattoo dem, or torture dem—if dem manage free, people go still see dem as threat to society, even if e no make sense. If dem waka close to Rome, dem fit go back to slavery. Dediticii no fit join the Roman citizenship wey Caracalla give all free people for 212 AD.

How people dey become slaves

Dis relief from Smyrna (na now İzmir, Turkey) show Roman soldier dey carry people wey dem chain

"Slaves dey either born or dem make" (servi aut nascuntur aut fiunt): for ancient Roman time, people fit become slaves wetin dey happen because of war, piracy and kidnapping, or if dem abandon pikin—fear of being a slave no be just talk wey dem dey rant for Roman books. Plenty of dem wey be slaves na vernae, wey born from slave woman inside house (domus) or for family farm (villa). Some scholars don talk say freeborn people dey sell demself enter slavery pass wetin books dey show. E dey hard to know how many of dis ways dey cause enslavement and e still dey cause debate for scholars.

War captives

For Republican time (509–27 BC), war fit be the main source of slaves, and e show how number of slaves wey Romans get for Middle and Late Republic dey increase. Big battle fit bring captive from hundreds to tens of thousands. Dem dey buy newly enslaved people in bulk from dealers wey dey follow Roman army. Once, during Gallic Wars, after Julius Caesar don siege the wall town of Aduatuci, he sell the whole population, about 53,000 people, to slave dealers right there.

Warfare dey create slaves for Rome throughout di Imperial period, but as we enter 1st century AD, di war captives no dey important like before after Augustus finish him major campaigns for him later life. Di smaller, less serious war wey dem call Pax Romana for 1st and 2nd century still dey produce slaves, but e no be small number. For example, during dis period, di highest number of slaves from Judaea dey trade because of di Jewish-Roman wars (AD 66–135). Di historian Josephus talk say di Great Jewish Revolt of AD 66–70 alone cause enslavement of 97,000 people. Di future emperor Vespasian enslave 30,000 for Tarichea after he kill di old and sick ones. When him son, Titus, capture Japha city, he kill all di men and sell 2,130 women and children for slavery. Unique thing happen for AD 137 after di Bar Kokhba revolt when dem put over 100,000 slaves for market. At dat time, you fit buy Jewish slave for Hebron or Gaza for di same price as horse. Di demand for slaves fit explain why dem dey expand territory wey no get political motive—Britain, Mauretania, and Dacia fit be nice conquests just for manpower, same with Roman campaigns across dia African provinces.

Captives for Roman Culture

Di Gemma Augustea onyx cameo show elevated Augustus wey dey receive wreath (corona) among di gods; below, soldiers dey set war trophy and dey prepare captives for sale.

Di Digest talk say di word servus fit relate to war captivity instead of kill dem wey dey lose: "Slaves (servi) na dem wey commanders dey sell captives, so e dey common to save (servare) and no kill dem." One myth about Romulus be say him start to carry war captives enter Roman society by enslaving dem instead of just killing dem. Julius Caesar end him campaign against di Gallic Veneti by executing dia senate but he sell di survivors sub corona, "under di wreath". War booty, wey include conquered land, dey usually auctioned sub hasta, "under di spear" wey dey symbolize Roman power, and "to sell under di spear" come mean to auction off. But war captives dey sold sub corona, "under di wreath" because back in di day, dem for don dey wreathed like sacrificial victim.

Roman culture show art wey respond to di sight of captives since di Punic Wars, when di comic playwright Plautus write Captivi ("Captives", around 200 BC). Di belief say enslavement na natural result of defeat for war dey clear for di plenty Imperial art wey show captives, wey no just dey for public places for propaganda but also for home and personal display, like figurines, lamps, Arretine pottery, and gems.

Piracy and Kidnapping

Piracy get long wahala for human trafficking matter. Dem no dey kidnap person for enslavement, na to make money be di main goal, as di relatives go dey expected to pay ransom. People wey really want make dem bring back di captive go fit pay pass stranger wey go just see am for auction, because di price go depend on di person worth, but sometimes di ransom fit too high. If dem kidnap slave, di owner fit decide say ransom no dey worth am. If plenty people from same area get kidnapped, and dem no fit pay ransom privately, di city fit try use public money settle di ransom, but dem fit still fall short. Di captive fit borrow di ransom money from money makers, as dem go dey owe dem after. Selling di victim for open market be last resort, but e dey happen often.

No traveler dey safe; Julius Caesar sef get capture by Cilician pirates when e young. When di pirates see say e get high value, dem set di ransom to twenty talents. Na for di gist wey dem dey tell, Caesar insist make dem raise am to fifty. E spend thirty-eight days for captivity as dem dey wait for di ransom to show. When dem free am, e dey say he come back and give his captors di same execution wey dem dey reserve for slaves, crucifixion.

For di Jewish community, di rabbis dey usually encourage make dem buy back enslaved Jews, but dem advise say "you no suppose ransom captives pass dem value, for di good order of di world" because if ransom dey high, e go make Romans wan enslave more Jews. For di early Church, ransoming captives be charity work, and as di Empire come under Christian rule, churches dey spend plenty money to buy back Christian prisoners.

Dem dey do piracy plenty for 2nd century BC, when Side for Pamphylia (now Turkey) be major trade spot. Pompey take credit say e clear piracy from Mediterranean for 67 BC, but after the Battle of Actium for 31 BC, dem still dey fight Illyrian pirates, and piracy still dey wahala during Augustus and Tiberius time. Even though big piracy don cool small during Pax Romana, dem dey still dey kidnap people for Roman slavery supply for late Imperial time, but no be major source of new slaves. For early 5th century AD, Augustine of Hippo dey complain say kidnapping dey happen plenty for North Africa. Patricius, wey be Christian missionary from Roman Britain, pirates kidnap am around AD 400, carry am go Ireland as slave, but he later do work wey make dem canonize am as Saint Patrick. For common law of nations (ius gentium), if mama be slave, pikin go be slave too. Latin word for pikin born from legal slave mama be verna, and if e plenty na vernae.

Dem get strong social duty to take care of dem vernae, wey sometimes dem fit call dem dat way for dem tombstone, and e fit be say dem na biological pikin of free men wey dey for di house. You go see plenty talk about vernae for literature, because dem dey prefer dem wey dem rear for house pass dem wey dem buy for slave market, and dem dey get beta treatment. Vernae fit live as couple (contubernium) and raise dem pikin. Small verna fit grow with di owner pikin wey dey have same age, even dey share wet-nurse. Dem get beta chances for education, and fit learn with di freeborn pikin of di house. Plenty 'intellectual slaves' na vernae. Inscription wey date back to AD 198 list twenty-four imperial freedmen wey be teachers; six of dem na vernae. Di way dem use verna for di tombstone of freedmen show say former slaves fit dey proud of di family wey dem come from. But to be born as verna fit get dark side, depending on di kind house wey di pikin born and grow. Dem dey advertise vernae wey come from enslaved brothel workers for graffiti from Pompeii, sometimes with price or di sexual service wey dem dey provide. For di vernae wey dem get proof for Pompeii, 71% dey linked to prostitution, and dem upbringing for brothel dey seen as selling point. Some scholars believe say most slaves for di Imperial period na vernae, or say domestic reproduction na di main source of slaves; modern estimate depend on how dem interpret di data wey no too clear, including di total number of slaves.

Alumni

Dem wey dem dey call funerary monument (AD 101–125) for 16-year-old alumna Lutatia Lupata wey dey play pandura. Children wey dem bring inside house to care for, but no be adoption, na dem be alumni (plural; women wey be alumnae), "dem wey dem don nurture". Even if dem take care of dem well, alumni still dey carry some kind wahala for legal status. Alumni dey refer to various foster children, like orphans, "poor relations", and apprentices, most times between age 9 and 14, mainly for rich urban areas. About one quarter of alumni wey dem fit identify, na slaves; dem position for house dey look like vernae wey get some privileges. Child wey dem choose for care no go be surety for loan or make creditors fit take am.

Alumni dey often turn trusted members of familia, and those wey be slaves get better chance to be free. Sometimes, dem fit even mention dem for wills; like one trust wey dem leave for one young freedman alumnus make him handler be the fosterer's friend till him reach 25 years. The plenty alumni and vernae wey dey do arts and crafts show say talent fit make disadvantaged children shine and get chance.

Pikin work

For families wey dey work, whether dem free or dem be slaves, pikin fit start to dey learn work habits from age five, when dem fit handle small tasks. For the Romans, dem get from five to seven years wey dem call early childhood to functional childhood, but upper class dey enjoy better and safe childhood, like how e dey for plenty cultures. Normally, ten years na when pikin slaves dey valuable make dem fit trade dem. For people wey get small money, pikin slave fit be better investment; one lawyer story be about one metal worker wey buy pikin slave, teach am the work, and then sell am for double di price wey e buy am. Dem dey get apprenticeship contracts for both free and slave pikin, and e no get plenty difference between di two.

Training for skilled work dey start around ages 12 to 14, and e fit take from six months to six years, depending on di work. Jobs wey pikin slaves dey learn include weaving, metal work like nail making and copper work, mirror making, secretarial skills, accounting, music, and arts, baking, ornamental gardening, plus construction skills. Some books even talk say di training dey systematic: boys dey learn to be barbers by using blunt razor on purpose.

For rich people wey dey socialise well during Imperial era, dem dey train small pikin wey no don reach puberty (impuberes) to serve food, as dem believe say their sexual purity dey bring hygiene benefits. Capsarius na small pikin wey dey follow master pikin go school, carry their things and attend lessons with dem. Big households fit train their own staff, some even dey run in-house schools or send slaves wey don reach 12 to 18 years go paedagogia, dem imperial schools wey dey teach skills. Adolescent slaves wey don hit 13 fit do account work and other office things, plus dey serve as heralds, messengers, and couriers. Performing arts crews be mix of free and enslaved people wey fit tour demself or get support from households, and children dey widely involved for entertainment. Some of the youngest performers na gymnici, acrobats or artistic gymnasts. Child slaves dey also dance and sing, dey prepare as professionals for popular musical theater. Normally for farm, children dey help with task wey fit their age early. Ancient sources wey talk about small children wey born into rural slavery show say dem dey feed and take care of chickens and other poultry, collect sticks, learn how to weed, gather apples, plus dey mind the donkey for farm. Young children no dey expect to work all day. Older children fit take care of small flocks wey dem go drive out in the morning and bring back before nightfall.

For modern-time mining, dem dey use pikin for work till early 20th century, an e get some proof say pikin dey work for some kind old Roman mining. Dem wey dem capture for mines wey mostly rely on free workers, na part of mining family, but wax tablet from one mine for Alburnus Maior show say dem buy two children, ages 6 and 10 (or 15). Pikin dey especially used for gold mines, dem dey crawl enter the tightest parts of shaft to collect loose ore, wey dem go pass to outside for basket hand to hand. Osteoarchaeology fit identify young pikin and adolescents dey work with adults, but e no fit tell if dem be free or enslaved. E dey hard to separate pikin from slaves, both for talk and art, because puer fit mean 'boy' or 'male slave' (pais for Greek), and for art, slaves dey show smaller than free people to show their lower level, plus pikin wey pass baby and toddler dey look like small adults for art. As Roman law run am, papa fit contract all di dependents of house for labor, so for workers wey still dey under age, e no dey too different between free and slave.

Pikin abandon

Pipo get different views on how child abandon fit cause plenty wahala for slaves matter. Pikin wey poor pipo born, if dem no dey care for dem, dem go fit enter slavery easily. Some pikin wey dem carry come house to foster, dem fit be slaves legally. Some tradesman fit take abandoned pikin, train am as apprentice, e fit no mean say dem no go show love, and e fit help carry the business go for old age care. Early Christians dey grow their community by taking in abandoned and orphan pikin, and ‘house churches’ fit be place where all kind pikin dey gather, free or slave.

But slave traders go target neglected children wey dey waka around alone, dey sweet dem with 'sweets, cakes, and toys'. Children wey dem catch like this dey in real danger to turn into prostitutes or gladiators, or even dem fit cut dem to make dem look more pitiable for beggars.

Infant exposure

Infant exposure plus fostering dey show for one popular Roman myth: for this relief (2nd century AD), shepherd Faustulus see the twins Romulus and Remus dey suck she-wolf under the sacred fig tree.

Child abandon, whether na by death or by plan, e different from infant exposure (expositio), wey Romans dey do well-we, and e show for the story of Romulus and Remus suckling at the she-wolf. Family wey no fit train pikin fit choose to abandon unwanted infant—usually dem go just leave am for outside, wey fit lead to death, so na like infanticide. Serious birth defect fit make even rich pipo abandon their child. Some people dey talk say healthy pikin wey survive dem exposure usually end up as slaves and dem be important source for slaves. E fit happen say healthy pikin go enter one family for foster care or adoption, but even dis way fit make dem see di pikin as investment: if di biological family wan take dem back, dem fit do am but dem go need pay for di care wey dem don provide. Traffickers fit still carry surviving babies come and train dem as slaves, but since pikin wey never reach five years no too sabi work well, e dey hard to see how investing five years to care for dem go make sense. Di whole baby exposure thing wey dey make slaves assume say wey traders fit always find babies for certain places; better births dey usually for urban areas, and dem places wey fit keep babies plenty na temples and religious places like di Columna Lactaria wey nobody sabi much about. Di satirist Juvenal talk about how dem dey take pikin wey no get family from di ghetto and carry dem go di goddess Fortuna wey dey laugh as she dey send dem go big noble families make dem raise dem as dem own. Big household dey always get wet nurses and other people wey go share di minding work for all di pikin wey dey house, whether dem be free or slave.

Some parents fit don arrange to chook di baby straight for money like ex post facto surrogacy. Constantine wey be di first Christian emperor, fit make buying and selling of newborns common during di first hours of life, when di baby still dey bleed before di first bath. Back den, infant death rate fit reach 40 percent, so dem dey reason say di newborn dey in serious danger for di first week, like between life and social birth, and di first bath be one of di rituals to mark dat change and support di mama and child. Di Constantinian law fit be way to stop dem dey expose baby like infanticide or make am look like insurance for slave owners to protect dem property wey dem buy dat baby wey later turn out to dey free. E fit happen say parents fit surrender di baby during di first week before dem accept and register di baby for dem family, hand over power over di baby to di new family from di start of di baby life.

Parental sale

Di ancient right of patria potestas give fathers power to dispose dem dependents anyhow. Dem fit sell dem pikin like dem dey sell slaves, but usually, di father wey sell im pikin be poor wey no fit own slaves. Di father go drop im power (potestas) over di pikin, and di pikin go enter possession (mancipium) of one master. One law of di Twelve Tables (5th century BC) limit wetin father fit do: e fit sell daughter just once, but e fit sell son up to three times. Dis serial selling of di son show say na temporary obligation wey come from debt, wey dem don abolish by di end of di 4th century BC.

One way dem dey dodge freeborn wahala wey dey continue for long na to lease pikin wey no reach 20 or 25 years make dem fit work for dem. Dis way, person wey dey hold the lease no go fit claim pikin be e property, but e go get full use of am by law transfer of potestas. Roman law dey try balance between free birth importance, patria potestas, and di real life wey plenty parents fit sell dem children because dem dey suffer from poverty or debt. Potestas mean say no be wahala for di parent wey dey sell. Di sales contract always be void because di pikin be free, if buyer no sabi dis, e fit call for refund. Even if dem no plan di sale to be temporary, if parents find better life later, dem fit pay back di original price plus 20 percent to take care of di pikin during di servitude. Most parents go only fit sell dem pikin under serious pressure. For mid-80s BC, parents for Asia talk say dem dey forced to sell dem children to pay heavy tax wey Sulla dey collect as proconsul. For late antiquity, to sell family children na sign of moral decay wey dey happen from taxation, money lenders, government, and prostitution. Some people wey dey talk from upper-class view fit misrepresent di contracts for apprenticeship and labor wey necessary for wage-earning families, especially as plenty of dem na mothers arrange am. Di Christianization of di later empire change priority within di confusion of dis legal framework. Constantine, di first Christian emperor, try help by ordering magistrates to give free grain to poor families to stop di hunger wey dey cause child-selling.

Later them go drop di 'power of life and death' wey di head of dem family get.

Debt slavery

Nexum na debt bondage contract for di early Roman Republic. For di Roman law, e be like mancipatio. Di contract fit change small, but na free man go pledge himself as bond slave (nexus) for loan matter. E fit even give him pikin as collateral. Though di bondman fit face shame and small wahala, as citizen wey dey under law, him suppose free from any beating. Dem abolish nexum by di Lex Poetelia Papiria for 326 BC.

Roman historians talk di story of how dem abolish nexum in different ways; generally, one handsome young man wey dey nexus suffer sexual wahala from di debt holder. Di story show how e no make sense to use one free citizen like say him be property, and di legal response be to establish di citizen right to freedom (libertas), different from slave or social outcast (infamis).

Even though dem don abolish nexum as way to secure loan, if debtor no fit pay, e fit still lead to some debt bondage matter. E still illegal to make free person slave because of dat or to pledge minor for parent debt, and di penalties dey go to di creditor, no be di debtor.

Self-sales

Di freedom of di Roman citizen na 'inviolable' principle for Roman law, so e dey illegal for freeborn person to sell himsef—na wetin dem suppose believe. But for reality, dem fit overlook self-enslavement unless one party no happy with di contract terms. Self-sales no dey show well for Roman literature, maybe because e dey shameful and against di law.

Di small evidence wey dey show mostly come from imperial law sources, wey talk say 'self-sale' for become slave be as popular like capturing for war or being born to enslaved mama. Self-sales dey show mostly wen dem challenge am for court say e be fraud. If di seller or di buyer sabi say di person wey dem sell be freeborn when dem sell am but di trafficked person no sabi, dem fit argue say na fraud. Dem fit also talk say na fraud if di person wey dem sell dey below twenty. Di legal talk clear say dem dey prioritize di buyer's investment, but if any of dis things dey true, di enslaved person fit get im freedom back. E no dey easy to prove who sabi wetin, so di strongest evidence for voluntary enslavement be if di person wey wey dey free agree by collecting part of di money from di sale. Person wey agree to give up im Roman citizenship rights dey see as no worthy to hold dem, so permanent enslavement dey come be correct punishment. Self-sale by Roman soldier fit mean say e don desert, and dem go execute am. Romans wey dey enslaved as prisoners of war dey see as no fit get back dem citizenship if dem don give up dem freedom without fighting hard, as di Roman Republic dey go down, dem dey urge people to resist shame of falling into 'slavery' under one-man rule. But self-sale cases wey reach imperial level fit nullify di contract, even if di enslaved person agree, cause private contract no fit override di government interest for regulating citizenship, wey carry tax obligations.

Di slave economy

Wen di Roman empire dey grow, di rich people for Rome really dey chop money, and di slavery wey blow up don change di economy well well. Plenty slaves dey come Italy, dem dey buy am for rich landowners to work for dia farms. Investment for land and agriculture dey bring plenty money; according to Keith Hopkins, Rome military wins and all di big money and slaves wey dem bring enter Italy dey do something wey fit compare to big tech changes. Scholars dey argue how di slavery for Rome fit join labor market theories for di whole economy. Economic historian Peter Temin talk say "Rome get functioning labor market and one united labor force" wey slavery dey play beta role. As wages fit dey for both free and some enslaved workers and dey change based on how many workers dey around, di free workers wey dey find wages and di skilled slaves wey get motivation dey make di market dey move.

Di slave trade

Di Roman Empire wen e dey big during Trajan time

Wat di Roman lawyer Papinian call "di regular, daily traffic for slaves" dey happen everywhere for di Roman Empire and even cross border. Di trade no get plenty regulations by law. Slave markets dey exist for plenty cities for di Empire, but outside Rome, di biggest center na Ephesus. Di main centers for di Imperial slave trade dey for Italy, north Aegean, Asia Minor, and Syria. Mauretania and Alexandria dey also matter well.

Dem biggest market for Italy na Rome, where dem notorious slave traders dey sell their goods near Temple of Castor for Forum Romanum. Puteoli fit be second busiest after Rome. Trading dey happen for Brundisium, Capua, and Pompeii. Slaves dey come from across Alps to Aquileia. Delos story show how slave trade fit change; Ptolemaic Kingdom and Rhodes dey manage piracy and illegal slave deal small, but when Rome start dey win against Carthage, dem begin push trade east. Rhodes, wey sabi get law and order, no gree new Italian traders spoil their market, but Delos open door for them by 3rd century BC. In 166 BC, Romans declare Delos free port, so merchants no go pay 2 percent customs tax again. Na so pirates come chop Delos market with plenty slaves without asking where dem come from. Strabo talk say 10,000 slaves dey trade daily, but e be more like talk than real number. Slaves become the main thing wey Delos dey sell. Big farms for Sicily dey collect plenty Syrian and Cilician slaves from Delos, wey come lead the slave revolts for 135 and 104 BC.

But as Romans dey set better trading centers for East, Delos lose dem free port status and dem sack am for 88 and 69 BC during Mithridatic Wars, wey e no fit recover from. Other towns like Mytilene fit don grab some of di market. Di Delian slave economy dey shine too much, and as Romans no look, dem make piracy wahala chop dem for many years. Major sources of slaves from East include Lydia, Caria, Phrygia, Galatia, and Cappadocia, wey Ephesus be big market. Aesop, di Phrygian wey dey write fables, dem say dem sell am for Ephesus. Pergamum dey do heavy slave trading, and Acmonia for Phrygia dey do well too. Strabo talk say Apameia for Phrygia dey second for trade after Ephesus, as e dey be common warehouse for Italians and Greeks—na im be import hub from di west, with slaves na di main export. Markets fit dey for Syria and Judaea, but evidence dey small. For North Aegean, big memorial wey dey for slave trader for Amphipolis show say na there dem dey trade Thracian slaves. Byzantium dey market for Black Sea slave trade, and slaves wey dey come from Bithynia, Pontus, Scythia, and Paphlagonia go fit dey traded for di Propontis towns. One example of small copper-alloy figures wey show captives, dem find am scatter for Britain and Rhine-Danube Roman frontier. Dem think say e fit connect to slave-trading, but wetin dem dey use am for still dey mystery.

Roman coin hoards wey start from 60 BC dey plenty for Dacia (wey be Romania now), and dem don talk say e mean say Pompey wey fit stop piracy make slave trade for lower Danube dey high. Di hoards dey drop for 50 BC, when Julius Caesar dey do him campaigns for Gaul wey dey bring plenty new slaves come market, but dem rise again for 40s and 30s. Archaeology up to 21st century still dey find slave trafficking proof for some part of di Empire wey no sabi before, like Roman London. Slaves dey trade from outside Roman boundary for plenty spots, as some literary sources like Strabo and Tacitus talk, plus epigraphical evidence show slaves dey among things wey dey pay tariff. Di Thracians wey dey swap slaves for salt don become popular for Greeks. Diodorus Siculus talk say for pre-conquest Gaul, wine merchants fit trade one amphora for one slave; Cicero mention one slave trader from Gaul for 83 BC. Di trans-Saharan slave trade wey dey follow di ancient Garamantian route go fit carry slaves come Rome with other goods, but slaves from sub-Saharan Africa dey be like luxury wey no plenty. Walter Scheidel come predict say "enslavables" dey trade across border from wetin be Ireland, Scotland, eastern Germany, southern Russia, Caucasus, Arab peninsula, and wetin dem dey call "di Sudan"; di Parthian Empire go dey chop most supply to di east.

Auction dem and sale dem

William V. Harris talk say slave trading get four place wey dem dey do am: first na small-small deal wey person go fit trade slaves owner to owner; den dey get di "opportunistic market", like di slave traders wey dey follow army come carry plenty slaves; fairs and markets for small towns, wey slaves dey mingle with different goods; and slave markets for big cities, wey dem dey do auction waya. Di slaves wey dem dey trade na empticii ("dem wey dem don buy"), wey clear say dem different from di ones wey dem raise for house. Empticii dey usually cheap for daily wahala, but some dey carry beta price if dem get special skills or dem fine. Most of di slaves wey dem dey trade na teenagers and young adults. For Diocletian's law wey dey talk price matter (301 AD), dem fix price for skilled slaves wey dey age 16-40 to double di price of unskilled slaves, wey be like 3 tons of wheat for guys and 2.5 for girls. Actual price fit change based on time and place. Real price evidence no dey plenty, e dey mostly from papyri wey dem preserve for Roman Egypt, wey di slavery practice fit no be like as e dey for Italy or di whole empire.

From mid-1st century BC, dem aediles wey dey manage market matter get law wey go protect buyers wey wan buy slaves. Dem go need to talk any sickness or wahala wey dey the slave before dem sell am. Info about the slave fit dey write for tablet wey dem go hang for di neck or dem go shout am for market. Di slave wey dem dey sell fit stand for stage make people see am. Buyers fit touch di slave, make dem move or jump, or even ask make dem remove cloth to check if di dealer dey hide any wahala. Dem dey wear special cap (pilleus) if e no get warranty; chalk-whitened feet dey show say dem be foreigners wey just land Italy. One rare picture wey show auction wey dey on funeral monument from di same time show one male slave wey wear loincloth and maybe shackles, dey stand for pedestal-like structure. For left side, na auctioneer (praeco) dey; di person wey dey gesture for right fit be buyer wey dey ask question. Dis monument dey set by family of former slaves, di Publilii, wey fit dey show dia own story or, like many freedmen, dey show pride for di work wey dem dey do well. If dem hide wahala, six-month policy go make di dealer carry di slave go back and refund, or give partial refund during twelve months warranty. Roman jurists go dey analyze wetin fit be defect—not like missing teeth, because e be reason say healthy babies no get teeth. Slaves wey dem sell as one group, like theatre crew, fit return dem together if one person prove say e get defect.

Though slaves be property (res), as human beings dem no fit be called merchandise (merces); dem wey dey sell dem no be merchants or traders (mercatores) but sellers (venalicarii). Slave-traders dem dem dey call venalicius or venalicarius (from venalis, 'some wey fit buy', wey fit mean human being wey dey sell) or mango, plural mangones, na Greek word wey mean 'huckster'; for Greek e dey mean somatemporos, wey mean dealer for bodies. Slave-traders get bad rep for dishonesty and dem dey do yawa to customers, but most people dey judge dem based on how dem dey cheat customers, no be how dem dey treat slaves. While the big men wey dey Senate dey look commerce like dirty work, dem dey use plenty bad talk on slave-traders for Latin literature.

Even though slaves dey play main roles for Plautus comedies, you no go see any big character wey be slave-trader. Professional slave-traders dey be shadowy figures, as dem social status and identity no plenty for ancient sources. Dem fit don form trade unions wey dey push for laws and maybe to gather money for investment. Most wey dem sabi by name be Roman citizens; plenty of dem be freedmen. Only small number of slave-traders dey get big mention for literature; one Toranius Flaccus dey considered as sharp dinner mate and e dey chill with future emperor Augustus. Mark Antony dey rely on Toranius as guy wey dey get female slaves, comot mind when e hear say di twin boys wey he buy no be blood related, di mango don sweet-talk di triumvir say dem look alike, na so e go scatter eyebrows. Some slave-traders dey settle enough for di work wey dem even write am for dem tombstones. Others dem sabi from inscriptions wey recognize dem as benefactors, show say dem dey alright and dey popular for dia area. Di Genius venalicii, wey be small guardian spirit for di slave market, dey celebrated by slave-traders for some inscriptions, one dey even dey honor dis genius with Dea Syria, maybe to show di heavy trade wey dey go on for Syrian slaves wey form community for Rome. Di way dem dey worship various genii na normal for classical Roman religion; di Genius venalicii dey make di slave trade look like any other hustle for prosperity.

People dey sell slaves plenty, like dem no dey do any other business, plus merchants wey dey sell other things too. For late antiquity, Galatians wey dey waka around, get big men wey dey support dem, come dey shine for North African trade. E no dey happen say elite owners go just buy slaves through middlemen, some of dem fit dey chop the matter for front pass wetin books dey talk. When the future emperor Vespasian return broke from him proconsulate for Africa, dem say e fit don make him money back by trading slaves, especially eunuchs wey dey luxury side.

Taxes and tariffs

During Republic, di only tax wey state dey collect from slave owners na manumissions tax wey start for 357 BC, wey be 5 percent of di slave estimated value. For 183 BC, Cato di Elder wey be censor com put one sumptuary tax on slaves wey don cost 10,000 asses or more, calculated at 3 denarii per 1,000 asses on di value wey dem assess ten times di price wey dem buy am. For 40 BC, di triumvirs try put tax on slave ownership, but dem meet bitter opposition.

For AD 7, Augustus come put first tax on Roman citizens wey dey buy slaves at 2 percent, wey people estimate go bring about 5 million sesterces yearly—e fit mean say about 250,000 sales dey happen. For Ptolemaic Egypt, di sales tax on slaves na 20 percent. Di slave-sale tax increase under Nero to 4 percent, but dem try shift di burden to di seller, wey just make prices go up.

Dem dey collect tariffs on slaves wey dem bring come Italy or dey carry go, just like everywhere for Empire. For AD 137, for example, dem dey charge Palmyra 2 to 3 percent of the value for teenage slaves. For Zaraï in Numidia, the tariff for slave be same like horse or mule. One law wey censors pass gree the paterfamilias no pay harbor tax for Sicily if e bring servi come Italy make dem work for him, showing say Romans sabi say some slaves go fit join household life while some dey sell for profit.

Different Types of Work

Slaves fit work for plenty different kinds of jobs, wey fit divide into five main categories: household service, urban crafts and services, agriculture, public service, and manual labor like mining. Both free and enslaved people dey work for almost all kinds of jobs, but the ratio of free workers to slaves fit change depending on the work and the time. Legal texts state say dem suppose protect slaves’ skills from misuse; for instance, no go use stage actor as bath attendant, no force pro athlete clean latrines, and no send librarius go countryside carry baskets of lime. No matter the status of the worker, working for another person dey show submission for ancient times, and Romans wey dey in charge see wage-earning as something wey be like slavery.

Household slaves

Mosaic wey dey for Roman villa for Sidi Ghrib (now Tunisia) show two female slaves (ancillae) wey dey serve their madam.

Epitaphs talk say household slave fit get at least 55 different jobs, like barber, butler, cook, hairdresser, handmaid (ancilla), launderer, wet nurse, teacher, secretary, seamstress, accountant, and doctor. For big houses, job description show say dem dey specialize well well: handmaids fit dey take care of madam wardrobe or even mirrors and jewelry. Rich families wey get specialists wey no go need work full-time all year fit lease dem to friends or allow dem run their own shop as part of wetin dem dey call peculium. “Poor” household mean say the same few slaves go do everything without any specialization.

For Roman Egypt, papyri dey show apprenticeship contracts wey dem write for Greek wey talk how worker go train skillful, mostly for one full year. Beautician (ornatrix) need three-year apprenticeship; one Roman legal case say if slave don train for only two months, e no fit be ornatrix by law.

For Imperial time, big elite household (domus for town, or villa for countryside) fit get staff of hundreds; or for low end of scholars estimate, fit get average of 100 slaves per domus during Augustus time. Maybe half the slaves for Rome dey serve for houses of senators and richer equestrians. The living conditions of familia urbana—slaves wey attach to domus—sometimes dey better pass many free poor people for Rome.

Even for grand houses, dem dey live for basement rooms and small corners. But household slaves dey enjoy better life pass other Roman slaves, even pass those wey dem dey use for government work, wey no dey fit face wahala from one master. For Rome city, slaves wey no dey attached to one house mostly dey do trades and make things. Dem get work like fullers, engravers, shoemakers, bakers, and mule drivers. Dem Roman houses no be 'private' home like we dey see am today, cause na there dem dey do business; first-floor rooms wey dey face street fit serve as shops too. The work wey slaves dey do for those shops make am hard to separate household work from general city work. By the end of 2nd century BC, skilled work all over Italy like pottery design still get more free workers, wey fit own small slaves for their guilds. But in Imperial time, about 90 percent of workers for those areas fit be slaves or former slaves. Training programs and apprenticeships dey well documented small-small. Slaves wey get talent fit start training from young, like one boy wey die early at age 12, wey don dey apprentice as goldsmith. Girls too dey apprentice well for textile industry; contracts dey show different apprenticeship times.

One four-year contract wey Roman Egypt provide wey dem fit place underage girl for master weaver show how dem fit arrange better terms. Di owner go feed and clothe di girl, and she go dey collect pay increase from di weaver as her skills dey increase, plus she go get eighteen holidays for di year. If she sick, dem go add di days for her service, and na di weaver go handle taxes. Di whole contract matter wey show benefits and obligations dey look very modern, and e mean say slave wey dey learn skills fit get chance, power to negotiate, and some small social security wey fit match or pass free people wey get low skills wey dey live small. Di plenty success wey freedmen dey show fit be one reason for people wey wan sell demself, as well-connected owner fit provide training for di slave and later support am as patron to di new freedman.

Dem get one ancient Roman restaurant (thermopolium) near di forum for Ostia Antica: all di food work use both free and slave labor.

For di city of Rome, working people and dem slaves dey live for insulae, multistorey buildings wey get shops for ground floor and apartments on top. Most apartments no get proper kitchen; dem fit only get charcoal brazier. So dem dey prepare and sell food well well by free and slave labor for pubs, bars, inns, and food stalls (tabernae, cauponae, popinae, thermopolia). But carryout and dine-in places be for di lower classes; fine dining dey for rich homes with enslaved kitchen staff wey get head chef (archimagirus), sous chef (vicarius supra cocos), and assistants (coci). Columella dey complain say di fancy cooking schools wey dey train chefs and professional servers no dey exist while schools for farming dey miss.

One four-year contract wey come from Roman Egypt show how dem fit detail things. Di owner go provide food and clothes for di girl, and as she dey improve for di weaving matter, di weaver go dey increase her pay small-small, plus she go get eighteen holidays every year. If she sick, dem go add di days wey she no go work to her service time, and di weaver go handle di taxes matter. Di way dem dey arrange di benefits and obligations dey show sey e be like modern setup, and e mean sey slaves wey get skills fit get chance, fit bargain well, and enjoy better social security reach or even surpass free workers wey dey live for less. Di success wey freedmen dey enjoy fit be one reason why dem go agree sell demself, as person wey sabi plenty fit run training for di slave and help dem market later as patron for di new freedman.

For di city of Rome, di working people and dem slaves dey live inside insulae, which be tall building wey get shops for down and apartments for up. Most apartments for Rome no get proper kitchen, dem fit just get one charcoal stove. So, food dey prepare and sell widely by free and slave labor for pubs, bars, inns, and food stalls (tabernae, cauponae, popinae, thermopolia). But carryout and eat-ins na for di lower class; fine dining dey for rich people house wey get enslaved kitchen staff wey dey include head chef (archimagirus), sous chef (vicarius supra cocos), and di assitants (coci). Columella dey complain about di waste wey dey happen for culinary workshops wey dey produce chefs and professional servers while agriculture schools no dey exist.

Seneca talk say for poultry-carving, you go fit learn am well well, and Juvenal dey vex for one carver (cultellus) wey dey do dance steps and knife moves to impress im teacher. For Rome, architect wey dey work na usually freeborn men or freedmen, but some popular slave architects like Corumbus, wey be Caesar paddy Balbus' slave, and Tychicus, wey Emperor Domitian get, dey popular too. For agriculture, farm slaves (familia rustica) fit dey live better life than urban slaves wey dey do trade and manufacturing. Agricultural writers for Rome expect say farm go get mostly slaves, wey dem dey see as speaking version of the animals wey dem dey care for. Cato talk say make farm owners no dey delay to sell old and sick slaves like how dem go do worn-out oxen, and Columella say e be better to keep slaves near the cattle or sheep wey dem dey look after. Roman law clear say farm slaves dey equal to animal wey dey fit herd. Dem no go free them like skilled urban or household slaves. Big farms wey dey use slaves for planting and harvesting dey everywhere for the eastern empire and Europe, and dem mention am for Christian Gospels.

Di ratio of male slaves to female for farm dey be more jumbled pass wetin dey house (fit reach 80 percent). Di small number of women go dey spin and weave wool, make cloth, and dey work for kitchen. Di slaves for farm dey managed by vilicus, wey fit be slave himsef. Male slaves wey don show dem loyalty and fit manage others fit get chance to bond with female slave (conserva) and born pikin. E go sweet for di vilicus to get quasi marriage (contubernium). Di vilica wey dey supervise food and textile production for di estate na im go hold her position because she sabi work well, and na only sometimes di woman wey dey live with di vilicus as wife. From di Middle Republic, if slaves no fit dey managed well, dem go fit punish dem by locking dem for ergastulum, wey be work barracks for people wey go dey chained; Columella talk say every farm need one. Hard labor dey hustle. Dem find remains of mill and bakery for Pompeii. One slave (far right) dey work mill with chained horses, small piece of sarcophagus relief.

For dem time wey dem dey call Republican era, one punishment wey slaves dey fear na hard labor wey dem go do for mill and bakery work (pistrina) or farm work (ergastula). One early case wey dem condemn slaves to hard labor be when some captives wey dem catch from war with Hannibal, dem chain dem go work for quarry after dem rebel for 198 BC. Citizens no dey get prison sentence for Roman law; dem jails be just for holding prisoners small small. Instead, for Imperial era, dem wey catch you dey go send you to hard labor, where dem go put you for camps make you work for mines, quarries or mills. The people wey dem call Damnati in metallum (those wey dey go mine) lose their citizen freedom (libertas), dem forfeit their property (bona) to state, and dem become servi poenae, wey be like slaves as punishment. Their level for law no be like other slaves; dem no fit buy their freedom, dem no fit sell am, or dem no go ever free. Dem suppose dey live and plenty times die for the mines. As time go, dem status come show say e dey permanent with tattoo for forehead

Dem convicts wey dey number plenty, thousands for dey, suffer for di harsh conditions wey dem dey use for mines and quarries. Christians dey feel sey dem community dey face dis punishment plenty. When free people from di Empire dey turn slaves, e be punishment wey dey reduce di citizenship level for di lower class—di humiliores wey never hold better positions like decurion or higher and na dem dey plenty for di population—dis kind wahala fit no happen during di Republic time. Slaves fit end up for di mines as punishment, and dem dey chop more harsher treatment than di former free convicts. Women fit get lighter work for di mines too. Some provinces no get mines, so those wey dem condemn as metallici fit waka far far to serve dia sentence. Convict work dey help for public projects for di towns; dem dey quarry stone for building and fine stone like alabaster and porphyry; dey dey mine metals and minerals like lime wey dey use for Roman concrete and sulphur, plus maybe salt works. For di 3rd and 4th centuries, convicts start to dey sentence to pistrina for Rome, punishment wey used to dey reserved for slaves, and to di new state factories wey dey make clothes for di military and imperial palaces. Di new style wey dem dey sentence free people to hard labor fit dey because supply of war captives dey reduce, but ancient texts no really talk about di economic gist; dem focus more on showing power of di state—di wickedness na di main thing.

No be all mining work be unfree, like dem show for contract wey date back to AD 164. Di worker gree say e go do "healthy and strong work" for gold mine for 70 denarii wages from May to November; if e wan come out before time, dem go chop 5 sesterces for each day wey e no work from di total. No proof say dem dey use convict labor for big mining area for Lusitania, di imperial gold mines for Dacia, or di imperial quarries for Phrygia; dem go use di normal mix of free and slave labor. Mine management na usually handled by imperial slaves and freedmen of di familia Caesaris. Contrary to wetin people dey think today, di Roman navy no dey use galley slaves unless e be war time wey free oarsman dey shortage. While fit be say merchants dey use enslaved oarsmen for shipping, e no too dey well reported. Public and imperial slaves. Inscription for base of statue wey honor di imperial freedman Publius Aelius Liberalis as di patron of di vicus Augustanus for Ostia, where e hold plenty government positions even as procurator of di grain supply (annona).

Public slave wey dey work for Roman people no be like private slave, e get different gist. Dem dey work for temple and public buildings, especially dey handle public money matter (aerarium). Dem dey do plenty basic work for Pontiffs, magistrates and other big men. Most times, dem dey carry message. Sometimes, dem fit collect tax, work for archives, manage water supply, fight fire and plenty public work too. Some beta slaves dey carry out wahala things like execution. Some fit do office work like accounting and secretarial work: "Rome business no be small matter, e dey pass through slaves". Dem dey give public slaves manager work, so dem fit earn some money for demself, and dem dey collect yearly salary for treasury. Because dem fit show say dem get value, public slaves fit build their rep and get influence, and dem chance to get freedom dey high. For Republic time, magistrate fit free dem with senate approval; for Imperial time, na emperor dey grant freedom. Public slave no pass e position to e pikin. Dem dey fit write will and give half of wetin dem get; dem sef fit collect gifts. Women no dey do government work, so dem no dey public slaves like men, but dem fit dey state possession as captives or seized property, and if dem date public slave, dem go enjoy some of him privileges too.

Dis na grave marker (2nd century AD) for wool merchant wey dem call Titus Aelius Evangelus, e fit be freedman of Antoninus Pius, plus e wife, Ulpia Fortunata; Ulpius Telesphorus, wey be Trajanic freedman and e fit be related to di wife or conlibertus; Gaudenia Marcellina, na Evangelus pikin from before; plus dem freedpersons and their descendants. Di term "imperial slave" dey cover plenty things, e no be only slaves wey emperor get and dey work for di imperial office, but e also include di familia Caesaris, di slaves wey dey work for di emperor house, even di ones wey dey serve for e wife side. Women too dey part of di familia Caesaris. Public and imperial slaves be di ones wey fit get contubernium, wey be informal union wey fit turn legal marriage if dem both free. Public slaves dey help with di senate work for government, but as di emperor slaves start take dem roles, di thing dey lessen. Plenty imperial slaves dey help with big public work for di Roman Empire; Frontinus (1st century AD) talk say di workers wey dey build Rome's aqueducts alone na about 700. Municipal slaves be owned by di municipalities, and dem dey do di same work as di public slaves for di Roman state. Municipal public slaves fit free demself if di municipal council agree. Imperial and municipal slaves get beta records pass plenty other slaves because dem higher status make dem dey write demsef as slaves for inscriptions.

Bisiness managers and agents

Slave wey him master give am "free administration" fit waka go do him own bisiness. One common managerial role na institor, wey be person wey dey run bisiness wey still belong to di principal. Di institor (we fit call am "agent") go fit be di slave of di bisiness owner, or another person slave, or freedman, or even him pikin—him fit dey operate branch bisiness for di provinces for di owner wey dey Italy, or for Italy on behalf of province owner. Other managerial positions wey slaves dey hold na actor, general name for manager or agent; vilicus, originally na overseer for farm but later for city na general supervisor; and dispensator, wey be keeper of accounts wey dey manage money for di house and serve as steward. Roman contract law no allow anything wey no be direct agency, so na why slaves dey hold dis role because dem no get independent personhood and fit only act as di tool of dia master, no be as third-party representativ. Dis dispensatores wey dey manage money fit expect to get wealth and be free; dia wives dey often free too. Even though dis kind lucrative positions dey mostly for male slaves, inscriptions dey also show say women dey inside di role of dispensatrix.

Di owner wey put money or property for side make slave manage dem, e really create company wey no get plenty wahala for liability. But di way slaves dey handle business fit bring plenty legal gbege, fit put slave for wahala and e go backfire on di master. If dem accuse slave of fraud or case land for court, di master go dey in a tight spot: he fit accept sey na him get di slave and defend am, but if dem lose, he go still pay damage. Or he fit just no defend di slave, lose all claim to di slave and him future benefitting. So di slave dey waka for top master decision on whether to fight for am or no. Dis matter no be just talk; some local law wey dey for provinces show sey dem dey try sort out di legal kasala wey dey come from di small freedom wey Romans give slaves for dis level. For one city wey dem call Caria, dem talk sey if Roman slave break local banking rules, di owner go either pay fine or punish di slave; di punishment na fifty blows and six months for prison. If di slave suppose talk for court to defend either him master or himself, no sign sey e go fit escape di law wey sey him testimony fit only happen under torture; so di slave go get serious reason to make sure sey e run him business well well.

Slaves dey jom well-well pass people wey dey work for money for plenty jobs like banking and accounting. Sometimes, slaves go dey run estate while free people dey do the manual work. Households wey dey appear for Bible stories too get slaves wey dey manage estate and collect rent and produce from farmers wey dey rent land, or carry money go do business for their boss. Dem too fit be oikonomoi wey dey manage food and money share for their family members.

Gladiators, entertainers, and prostitutes

Dem gladiators, actors, dancers, and prostitutes for Rome dey stay for social limbo wey dem call infamia, no matter if dem be slaves or dem be free. Like slaves, dem no fit push case for court or get person wey go represent dem; like freedmen, dem no fit hold public position. For legal matter, infamia be when freeborn person lose him respect because of bad behavior, and e fit come from censor or praetor as punishment. Those wey dey show demself to entertain people don give up the right of citizens to no use their body anyhow: “Dem dey live by giving people sex, violence, and laughter for dem enjoyment.”

Those wey dem talk say dey infames, dem get small legal protection even if dem be Roman citizens wey no go fit sell like slaves. Dem fit face heavy punishment wey usually dey for slaves. E be like say dem daily life no different from slaves wey dey work for the same area, but at least dem get control over their money and more freedom to make choices about where dem go stay. E be di kind work wey dem dey do wey no dey get respect—people dey see am like some bad way to dey do things wey go please others, not because dem dey work with slaves, as almost all labor for Rome dey involved. Lenones (pimps) and lanistae (gladiators manager) dey carry di same bad reputation like their workers. Actors too dey fierce because theater na place wey free speech dey. Dem dey mock politicians from di stage, and law from di 4th century BC fit make dem face physical punishment like slaves. One comic writer wey dem call Terence for English be slave wey later get freedom because of him writing talent. For di Late Republic, about half of di gladiators wey dey fight for di Roman arenas be slaves, but di most skilled ones sabi dey be free volunteers. Freeborn gladiators no dey respect di difference between citizen and slave because dem go take oath to suffer body punishment, wey include branding and beating, wey be signs of slavery. Enslaved gladiators wey dey shine for arena fit get freedom sometimes but dem still dey in a state of infamia.

For Rome, dem dey register prostitutes with de aediles, and prostitution dey legal all over de Roman Empire before Christianity take over. But Romans dey see prostitution as bad pass slavery, because slavery no go spoil person moral finish. Some women fit write contract wey go talk say dem no go sell dem body. Prostitutes wey dey work for brothels (lupanaria) be more likely say dem be slaves, while streetwalkers fit start to dey sell sex because money no dey and dem fit dey self-employed. Some freedwomen wey don sell dem body before fit make enough money come turn public benefactors, but most brothel workers wey be slaves dey likely no get any payment for dem own use. Male prostitutes too dey exist. Selling slave go training camp for gladiators dey like punishment, and emperor Hadrian ban the sale of slaves to pimps or gladiator managers without any reason, meaning say prostitution and violence for arena be no normal work for slaves. Under Christian emperors, dem too ban masters from using slaves as actors when dem no wan act, or to stop actors from retiring from theater. Church no gree for sexual slavery, and the Christianization dey play part for stopping or end traditional shows and games like gladiator matches and public performances.

Serfdom

More gist: Colonus (person) § Adscripticii

By 3rd century AD, Roman Empire dey face wahala for labour. Big Roman landowners dey depend on free people wey dey work as tenant farmers instead of slaves for labour. Dem tenant farmers (coloni) status dey go down, cause Diocletian tax system dey charge based on land and people wey dey that land, e make am hard for peasants to waka comot from the land wey dem dey counted for census. In 332 AD, Constantine come put law wey make coloni rights dey restricted and dem tie dem to the land.

So, from 3rd century go, e no dey easy to separate slave, worker wey dey work under contract, and peasant wey dey tied to land again, as status turn like two groups: honestiores and humiliores. Honestiores na the small percentage wey get power and wealth, them fit reach rank of decurion or higher; humiliores na those wey dey free but dem dey face wahala like slaves for Republican times. By 5th century, the law wey separate free citizen from slave no dey again; wetin dey remain na honestiores wey get privilege, and humiliores wey dey suffer exploitation. Some people dey see these laws like the start of medieval serfdom for Europe.

Demography

See sef: Demography of Roman Empire

Demographic study wey dey happen for old times dey face plenty wahala, as data wey dey incomplete dey force people to guess am well. Conclusions wey dem dey come out, make dem dey see am as relative, and scholars wey go use demographic models dey always drop warning. Like how:

For Italy during mid-sixties go 30 BC, dem believe say 100,000 new slaves dey needed every year, and for the whole empire from 50 BC go AD 150, dem dey talk say over 500,000 new slaves dey needed each year, based on di way wey dem think say slave population be ten million for total empire population of 50 million. None of dis figures fit verify.

Estimates wey dey talk about how many slaves dey for di Roman Empire population dey change.

Dem estimate sey di percentage of slaves wey dey for Italy by di end of 1st century BC be about 20% to 30% of di whole population, around one to two million slaves. One study talk say for di whole empire from 260–425 AD, di slave population dey just below five million, representing 10–15% of total population of 50–60 million people. Dem estimate sey 49% of all slaves be owned by di elite, wey no reach 1.5% of di empire's population. About half of all slaves dey work for countryside, where dem be small part of di population, except for some big farms, especially imperial estates; di rest wey remain dey significant percentage – 25% or more – for towns and cities as domestic workers and for commercial jobs and factories.

Dem slaves (especially di foreigners) dey experience high death rate and low birth rate pass di locals, plus sometimes dem go even push dem come out in large numbers. Di average age wey dem record say slaves for Rome dey die be very low: na just seventeen and half years (17.2 for guys; 17.9 for babes). If you check am, di average life expectancy wey people dey enjoy from birth dey around mid-twenties.

Estimated distribution of citizenship in the Roman Empire (middle of the 1st century AD)

Region	Citizens (per cent)	Noncitizen residents (per cent)	Slaves (per cent)
Rome	55	15	30
Italy	70	5	25
Spain and Gaul	10	70	20
Other Western Provinces	3	80	17
Greece and Asia Minor	3	70	27
North African Provinces	2	70	28
Other Eastern Provinces	1	80	19

Race and ethnicity

Make you check: Pre-modern ideas of whiteness § Ancient Rome

For Roman time, slavery no be about race, no be skin color matter, but e fit be say how we dey see race now no go fit match how dem dey talk am for dem time. Dem capture slaves from everywhere for Europe and the Mediterranean, even Gaul, Hispania, North Africa, Syria, Germany, Britannia, the Balkans, and Greece.

But Greek and Roman people e get this style wey dem dey use classify people based on wetin dem understand, or confuse, about other cultures wey different from theirs, and where people dey live, dem believe say climate fit change how person dey behave.

Where person come from (natio) be one info wey dem go ask when dem wan sell you. Slaves wey come from certain "nations" dem dey believe say dem go fit do better work, wey go matter to the person wey wan buy dem. Roman scholar Varro talk say "when we dey buy human being as slaves, we dey pay better price for the one wey better by nationality."  Dem get specific jobs wey go fit match with natio; like Bithynians dem dey carry loads dey.

For Roman time, dem dey believe say Asiatic Greeks, Jews, and Syrians no go fit hold on well to life unless dem dey for slavery. Asia Minor be big place wey dey supply slaves, so dem dey think say usual slave na Cappadocian or Phrygian. Jews dey loyal to their own, wey mean say dem fit be slaves and them dey hold slaves too, both Jews and non-Jews, throughout that Classical time. Historian of Christianity Dale Martin don talk say, "The main factors wey dey make slavery strong na geography and money, no really get anything to do with ethnicity or religion."

Quality of life dem dey talk say di way dem treat slaves no be only for Rome o, e dey happen everywhere wey slavery dey. E show how dem slave masters dey run things, as dem slaves no fit do anything for di wahala wey dey come their way. Dem dey live under constant fear, e fit be say dem no even sabi when next wahala go happen, but dem sure say e go happen. Plenty slaves dey suffer no be small; dem dey work tire, dey get beatings, dey go through bad things, and sometimes dem dey sold or threaten to sell dem. Cato di Elder be one harsh master wey no care about di slaves' needs at all. Dem wey dey sell slaves for market fit travel far, like di slave woman wey come from Northern Italy, or di Cretan woman wey go from one Roman hand to another. Abaskantis, small girl from Galatia, wey dem sell to buyer for Alexandria, dat one be like 1,500 miles from her home. Di condition wey plenty slaves face for Roman time dey brutal. Dem dey face personal wahala, shame, poverty, family separation, plus emotional trauma. One tombstone for Carnuntum wey get Latin and Greek dey show say one 26-year-old slave named Florus, him master put am there as recognition of wetin him do well.

At the same time, even with this 'natal alienation', slaves no fit totally lose their agency for their masters. E be like say, even if power dey imbalance, as human beings, dem go still dey find emotional connections and ways to better their situation small-small. No one picture of the 'typical' Roman slave life fit show because the work dem dey do dey different and the legal status go affect how dem dey serve, wetin dem fit expect for freedom, and how much rights dem go get if dem free. Free Roman society wey dey stratified show within slave society too, from the penal slaves at the bottom to the rich and influential slaves for the imperial house at the top. Some slaves get skills wey give dem value wey law no fit define. Most literary sources na slaveholders write am, and the stuff wey slaves and freedmen write just show small glimpse of how dem see themselves. Elite literature show say how Roman person treat slave fit show wetin master character be. Though torture for slaves na standard thing, if person too dey torture loyal and truthful slave, dem go see am as bad. Masters suppose no be overly wicked or too soft with their slaves. The type wey dem dey call saeva domina (cruel slave mistress) for Roman literature be woman wey dey vex small-small for her handmaids, dey stab dem with pins or dey beat dem. But Cicero dey worry say if e grieve too much for Sositheus, young slave wey dey read for am, people go fit see am as too much.

Plutarch dey talk say Cato buy slaves because dem be strong and e no dey pay extra for fine face; but e vex say Cato dey use im slaves like 'beasts of burden' and when dem old, e go sell dem quick 'instead of take care when dem no fit work again'—im dey imply say wetin good master go do na to provide care. Aulus Gellius come share one gist about Plutarch wey show wetin slaveholders mean by calm and moderate behavior. Plutarch get one slave wey get philosophical education, and e come dey vex like rebel. When Plutarch 'do am one wahala' and order make dem strip am and whip am, instead of scream, the slave begin shout say na shame for person wey be philosopher to act like that. Plutarch just reply for calm say e no dey vex; make dem continue their matter even with the lashes. For one Moral Epistles wey plenty people dey quote because e show how to treat slave like human, Seneca talk say if you treat slave well, e go do better work than the one wey no dey treated well.

Healthcare

For ancient books we no dey see plenty talk about medical care for slaves. That medical writer, Rufus wey dey from Ephesus get one title wey dey stand out: On the Purchase of Slaves, wey fit give tips on how to check slaves fitness and how to take care of dem, because health wahala fit spoil sale. Taking care of dem go depend on how important e be to keep workers fit to make them work well, plus sometimes e go depend on how owner dey feel about that slave. Pliny the Younger talk say slaves dey get care from doctors (medici), but e observe say when sick, slaves and free people no dey different, but free ones dey get more gentle treatment.

Pliny even send him slave Zosimus, wey he show say he love and respect well, go Egypt to find help for lung disease wey dey make am dey cough blood. Zosimus come regain him health, but later the sickness come come back again. Pliny come write make he ask if he fit send Zosimus go for rehab for him friend place wey dey better climate for health in Gaul, wey today dey South of France.

Some slave owners show small compassion wey dey different from the norm. Dem dey leave sick slaves for Rome's Tiber Island, where dem get temple for healing god Aesculapius, and this one cause homelessness and sickness wey make Emperor Claudius talk say any slave wey survive abandonment no fit go back to him owner, and e be automatic free. Law still come dey under Claudius wey make kill sick or disabled slave by him owner be murder.

For Roman law, dem no get anything wey fit help if doctor mess up, but if e harm or kill slave, owner fit sue am for property matter. Publius Pupius Mentor, wey be freedman and medical doctor (Civico Lapidario, Umbria). Medicine for Greece dey be beta pass how dem dey see am for Rome. The proper Greek medical schools no dey take slave, and some cities even say slaves fit only treat their fellow slaves. Even though dem no fit study theory well, dem dey help deliver care to lower class, and fit learn plenty as physicians' assistants, sabi practical medicine well. For Rome, dem no regard medicine as proper work for rich people because e mean say you go dey take care of another person body. Elite family dey use Greek doctors, wey either be big names wey come Rome with plenty gist and offer of citizenship, or dem dey bring freedmen or slaves wey be medici. When Augustus dey rule, Publius Decimus Eros Merula from Assisi, wey be enslaved doctor, surgeon, and eye expert, buy im freedom for 50,000 sesterces and chop 800,000. E get free doctors wey go dey waka around, fit help people wey no get money or no wan get full-time doctor. Some slaves fit help as nurses, midwives, medics, or orderlies. During the Imperial time, plenty freedmen dey jones to learn medicine, so scam schools dey chop dem money.

Di doctor Galen wey come Rome from Pergamum, na him sabi how to do surgery well well after he dey treat di injuries of gladiators wey dem hold captive. He even write about one gladiator wey get serious wound for him belly but after high-risk omentectomy, di guy recover well well. From how di doctor see am, di plenty different people for Rome wey dey among di slaves make di city be one kind unique place to study.

Cicero and Tiro

Cicero get plenty letters wey him write to one of him administrative slaves wey be educated Tiro. Cicero talk say he dey write to Tiro to follow him own way wey he don set. Sometimes, he show say e care for Tiro wey him dey take him education serious. He go ask Tiro wetin him think and e expect Tiro to talk free without wahala, but when Tiro dey collect Cicero’s papers to publish, him no add him own replies inside. E be like di letters show dem get personal bond, but each letter still get direct command wey show say Cicero dey use familiarity to make Tiro dey do him work well and remain loyal.

Tiro be either verna or alumnus, wey mean say e dey part of di house from small, and as Cicero trusted secretary, he for get better life and work conditions pass plenty other slaves. He gain freedom before him master die and he be wan rich man wey fit retire for him own country estate, where he die at 99 years.

Names

Publius Curtilius Agatho, be freed craftsman wey dey work for silver (Getty Villa Roman Collection)

As free man, Cicero slave Tiro change hin name go Marcus Tullius Tiro, wey take Cicero family name. If person get just one male name for inscription or legal paper, e mean say dat person be slave. By Late Republic, free-born Roman men dey use tria nomina: praenomen, first name; gentilicium, family name (gens); and cognomen, wey be special last name. E start from individual but fit pass down, add or change. When slave dey free, dem go rename am with tria nomina, dey go add hin single name to hin old master praenomen and gentilic name, wey now be hin patron. Cognomen as special third name don become common for freedmen before e enter upper class standards.

For example, silversmith Publius Curtilius Agatho (d. early 1st century AD), wey we sabi from hin funerary monument, go dey called by hin Greek name Agatho ("the Good") as slave. When dem free am, e add hin patron Latin names, Publius Curtilius, to form hin full citizen name. Naturalized citizens dey follow this same pattern, wey fit give tria nomina wey get two Latin names and one non-Latin cognomen.

For the whole Republican era, slaves for Rome fit carry name wey free Italians dey use or common as Roman praenomen, like Marcus, or small forms of the name (Marcio, Marcellus). Salvius, for instance, be common name for slaves wey also dey popular as free praenomen for Rome and whole Italy at dat time, e fit change to names for freed persons like Salvianus, Salvillus (female Salvilla), and maybe Salvitto.

Old Roman scholars dey think say long time ago, dem dey give slaves di first name of their master plus -por at di back, maybe to show say no dey be like puer, 'boy'. Dem dey call male slaves puer no matter wetin age. A slave be person wey no ever get freedom become adult, so e no fit full man (vir). Names wey dem dey see like Marcipor, sometimes dem go just call am Marpor, and Marcipor self na name for one Menippean satire wey Varro write. But instead for add am to master name, di -por fit mean say person be slave when im name dey popular for free men too. For Late Republic and Early Empire, e be like say dem wan make difference between slave and free names. For Cicero time, Greek names dey trend. Fancy Greek names like Hermes, Narcissus, Eros dey popular for Romans but dem no dey use am for free Greeks for themselves or their slaves. Plenty of Cicero slaves wey we sabi by name, mostly from im letters; dem wey get Greek names include di readers (anagnostes) Sositheus and Dionysius; Pollex, di footman; and Acastus. Di slaves and freedmen wey Cicero mention by name be mostly him secretaries and literary assistants; e hardly dey talk about slaves wey get small duties. Di only time wey dem fit see Roman tombstone wey show di dead person with work of art and no be him own portrait, na di freedman Titus Octavius Diadumenus wey dem name after type of statue (diadumenos) wey show youth wey get 'remarkable beauty'.

Sometimes slave names fit where dem come from; back in early Republic, dem dey use Oscan names like Paccius and Papus. But make no assume say person be this or that ethnic group just because of name wey dem write for papyrus and inscription. Varro, wey be scholar for first-century BC, talk say some slaves dey carry geographical names, like Iona wey come from Ionia, and e talk say na places where dem dey sell dem dey show and no be dey ethnic background. For documents wey still dey, e get some names wey no match, like Hermes wey dem give German, Paramone for Jewish woman wey get pikin wey dem name Jacob, Argoutis for Gaul, and Aphrodisia for Sarmatian woman. For late antiquity, Christians dey carry Greek names wey show dem dey ready to serve, like Theodoulos, wey mean 'God’s slave'. German slaves wey dey tomb of Statilii for Rome mostly carry Latin names like Felix, Castus, Clemens, Urbanus, and Strenuus; two dey called Nothus and Pothus, wey be Latin version of Greek names. Greek names don become common for slaves so much say people dey see am as sign of servitude; this fit be why those wey grow for house (vernae) wey get better chance dey likely to get Latin name to help dem blend in if dem get freedom. Gladiators dey sometimes get 'stage names' like Pardus (the Leopard) or Smaragdus (Emerald). A slave wey no follow the citizen path fit change im name. 'Salvius', wey be first leader of Sicilian slave revolt for 104 BC, change im name to Tryphon.

For Latin epitaphs, sometimes slave go dey talk about him master wey don die, he go fit use him first name plus 'our', like 'our Marcus'. If e dey talk to person Wey high pass am, e go clarify say na him role wey dey relate to him master's name. Cicero talk say one time, slave wey belong to Mark Antony dey ask 'Who you be?' and e reply 'Na Marco tabellarius [courier]'. In sales contract, dem dey use standard talk wey mention slave wey dem fit call any name wey dem like.

Clothes

Handmaid dey check storage box, wall painting from Pompeii

Some clothes na law wey freeborn people get to wear for show say dem high class; 'slave clothing' na lower quality clothes wey no get special mark—slaves no dey wear clothes wey fit show say dem be slaves. Wetin slaves dey wear depend on wetin dem dey do and the money wey their household get. Most working slaves go dey wear clothes wey look like wetin free people wey dey do di same work dey wear; Diocletian’s price law for 301 AD list clothes for 'common people or slaves' as one category. For crowd, e no go dey easy to know say dem be unfree because everyday attire for most people na tunic. Men dey wear shorter tunic, while women tunics dey cover their legs.

For dem domestic scenes, handmaids dey wear short tunics wey reach mid-calf, but the madam dey wear full long one wey touch her feet. For one mosaic from Sidi Ghrib, the handmaids dey wear ankle boots, and their hair styles simple pass the madam wey dey shine for center. Female slaves dey tuck the loose part of their tunics under their bust and tie the sleeves with belt to fit move well for their work. One ancilla for Plautus comedy dey get tease say she dey dress pass her level and dey wear bronze rings.

One dinner party for wall painting from Pompeii show small slave for white tunic (down left) wey dey help the master with him shoes; another slave for center dey give am drink; another one (down right) dey support one guest wey don chop too much and dey vomit.

The domestic slaves wey dey show for family and guests dey wear cloth wey meet their masters' standard for sweet appearance. Masters want their slaves make dem fine. Dem slaves no dey wear plenty accessories, but dem dey serve as extra accessories for their masters. Since Roman cloth no get proper pockets, the slaves wey dey follow rich people dey carry anything wey dem need. Dem fit hold parasols or fans to shield the rich from sun. Dem dey follow dem go public baths to guard their fine cloth, because theft dey common for changing areas. For dinner parties, guests go remove their outdoor shoes and wear light house shoes (soleas), so rich person go carry slave go manage their shoes.

Cloth wey laborers dey wear suppose be cheap, strong, and fit work well. One relief from Roman Germany show mine workers wey dey wear tunic and leather apron wey dem call 'feathers' (pteruges). Columella talk say farm workers go need weather-proof cloth wey get leather, patchwork, and thick shoulder capes. Any farm slave wey dey work for the tough Cato go dey expect make dem give am tunic and cloak (sagum) every two years, and e go need to return the old one so dem fit recycle am for patchwork. Textiles no dey last long, so dem rare for archaeological findings, but dem find some cut pieces wey measure about 10 by 15 centimeters from Roman Egypt for Mons Claudianus quarry, wey show say dem sabi patchwork well well.

One reason wey cause Sicilian slave rebellion for 135 BC wey start among rural workers na because master no wan take responsibility to provide cloth. When enslaved herdsmen come ask am, master Damophilos tell dem make dem find their own cloth, so dem band together, raid small farms and hold travelers. When wahala rise to serious level, Damophilos be among the first wey dem kill.

One time, Roman senate dey talk if dem go make slaves wear uniform to show say dem be slaves, but at the end dem reason say e no go make sense: e go make dem slaves sabi say dem get group identity, and dem go see how strong their number dey.

Resistance and control

E be like say, anytime all di enslaved people rise up, e dey happen small small during di whole long history of Rome. Dem dey escape; as Moses Finley talk, "Fugitive slaves na wetin people dey see plenty for di stories." Runaway slaves be criminal and dem go punish dem well well.

Resistance fit happen daily, e fit even dey small, wey go make you laugh. Cato, wey no sabi say e dey cause trouble, dey worry say if e carry di auspices for home, wey need make e silence, go spoil because di slaves wey dey nap dey fart. Plutarch talk say one Pupius Piso, wey tell him slave make e no talk unless dem talk to am, wait wey no go fit see di guest for him dinner party. Di slave don get di guest wahala, but di master no ask am make e talk, so e no talk.

Some masters even wan carry di control go beyond dem own death; although di wills fit free slaves, sometimes dem dey add rules wey go stop some slaves wey dem feel say dem no deserve freedom.

Rebellions

Di first slave wahala happen during and after di Second Punic War, when plenty slaves wey Romans get na soldiers wey dem capture from Hannibal army, and at times, as much as half di Roman male fit no dey around serving for di military. Di historian Livy be di main but no clear source for dis uprisings.

Di first recorded wahala be for 217 BC, when one informer tok say twenty-five slaves dey plan for Campus Martius; dem punish dem for di first secure instance wey dem use crucifix for Roman land. For 198 BC, Carthaginian captives stir up trouble for Setia, but dem hold am small before dem meet force and run away, although two thousand dem catch and execute. Dem try again for Praeneste but dem jom again, five hundred more go follow dem to yonder. Dis wahala make dem start dey police di streets well and build places wey dey lock people up. Two years later, e take full legion to calm wahala for Etruria, after dem flog di leaders and crucify dem. Di last wahala for dis period burst out for 185 BC for Apulia among di herdsman, dem go play big role for di first two Servile Wars. Di Apulian shepherd blame dem for banditry, and 7,000 dey face death; some manage escape. Di Greek historian Diodorus Siculus (1st century BC) write about di three major slave rebellions of di Roman Republic wey dem dey call di Servile Wars, di first two come from Rome first province, Sicily. Diodorus talk say total number of slaves wey participate for di first wahala na 200,000 (somewhere e go talk say na 60,000–70,000), and 40,000 for di second. Though dis big numbers for ancient source fit look like dem dey exaggerate, di important part na how e show di scope of di wahala.

First Servile War (135–132 BC)

First Servile War start as enslaved herdsmen dey protest against how dem dey treat dem bad, e begin for Damophilos ranch for Enna but e soon spread come involve plenty slaves. Dem manage control Enna and Agrigentum, two towns wey be very important for Sicily, wey Rome and Carthage dey fight over during first two Punic Wars. To make sure say dem get food, dem no destroy farms wey dey around dem base and no disturb small farmers. Dem fit face Roman soldiers directly wey fast come down.

Di leader, Eunus, dey keep dem together and motivated like di Hellenistic kings, even change im name to Antiochus and dey mint coins. Slave families come gather for Tauromenium stronghold. Di rebel slaves fit maintain dem movement for di difficult Sicilian environment for four years—some talk say na eight or more—before Roman forces finally push dem down by besieging and starving Tauromenium.

Second Servile War (104–100 BC)

Di Second Servile War start because of pirate wey dey kidnap freeborn people and turn dem to slaves mostly for di eastern Mediterranean. Di pipo wey dem don enslave illegally get right to claim dem freedom under di new law wey dey talk about piracy and di slave trade. Di praetor wey dey oversee Sicily, Licinius Nerva, dey release slaves for enough numbers wey fit vex di slaveowners wey dey pressure am to stop—so di slaves come revolt. Di rebellion start from two houses and soon involve 22,000 slaves.

Their leader wey dem call Salvius, don take name Tryphon, maybe e wan show respect for Diodotus Tryphon to bring di plenty enslaved Cilicians wey dey join di rebels together. E organize di slaves into cavalry and infantry, e besiege Morgantina and—along with di slave general Athenion—dem get early successes against di Roman troops as di number of rebels no fit stop grow big. But unlike di first rebellion, dem no fit hold towns or maintain supply lines, and e be like say dem no get di long-term plans wey Eunus get; di Roman response wey no focus, sometimes no sabi, enable dem to drag di rebellion plenty longer. Eunus and Salvius don hold better place for dem house when dem dey enslaved; both Eunus and Athenion be born into freedom. Dis experience fit help dem lead well as dem fit talk about better life wey go dey beyond slavery. Third Servile War (73–71 BC) Di Third Servile War don get plenti cultural interpretations; di Soviet ballet Spartacus, wey Aram Khachaturian compose, don dey restage since 1956 by di Bolshoi to fit di current ideology. Di wey dem dey call Third Servile War no long; di reason na to free demself from dem own yawa oppression. But di leader, Spartacus, wey be like di most famous slave from ancient time and wey Marxist historians and artists dey idolize, don capture di public mind for long so e hard to sabi di rebellion beyond how e win tactics.

Di rebellion start small, only seventy-four gladiators wey come from training school for Capua. Di two popular leaders be di Thracian fighter Spartacus, wey dem talk say he don serve for di Roman auxiliary troops before, and di Gaul Crixus. Dem settle for Vesuvius and quicky scatter di troops of three praetors as di rebellion gather like 70,000 men, slaves and free men dey join, making dem reach 120,000 men in no time. Spartacus plan be to carry di guys go northern Italy make dem fit scatter go their countries, but di Gauls wan plunder first and spoil southern Italy for weeks, make di Romans dey rush make dem answer dem for dem slow response. Crixus and him Gauls soon meet wahala, but Spartacus reach as far as Cisalpine Gaul before him turn back wan attack Rome, but him later change him mind. After dem win some fights without clear goals, di senate give Marcus Crassus special command of di forces, and di war change. Spartacus head south, dey hope say he go fit cross go Sicily and rekindle di fire wey dey for di slave rebellion from thirty years back; instead, di pirates wey suppose carry am go waka without am. After some weeks of successful fighting, Crassus win, but dem talk say Spartacus don die, though dem no fit find him body; 5,000 guys run north and meet troops wey Pompey lead, wey clear dem finish; and Crassus end him victory by crucifying 6,000 captured rebels for Appian Way.

Later uprisings

Last slave wahala for the Republic wey gree happen for Thurii inside southern Italy by Gaius Octavius, wey be di papa of di future emperor Augustus. For 60 BC, Octavius get order from di senate make he find di runaway slaves wey dem say (emphasis on 'say') be di leftover of Spartacus guys wey enter Catilinarian wahala.

Although dem fail, Servile Wars leave Romans with serious fear of slave uprisings wey make dem come tighten di laws wey dey control di slaves and punish dem harshly to make sure dem dey under control. For AD 10, di senate talk say if master die by one or group of him slaves, all di slaves 'under di same roof' go suffer and dem go chop dem down.

For di early Imperial period, di slave wahala wey happen against Lucius Pedanius Secundus, wey one of im household slaves kill (all 400 suffer), and Larcius Maceo, a praetor wey dem kill for him private bath, cause panic for slaveholders but no catch fire like di Sicilian uprisings. None of di small attempts wey happen later reach anywhere close to di one wey Spartacus lead.

Fugitive slave-catching

Dem dey see fugitive slaves as criminals, and di crime na to steal di owner property—demself. For di owners side, runaway slaves no just cause economic wahala but dey make dem fear say social trouble go come back again like di Servile Wars. To hide fugitive slaves dey against di law, and dem dey hire professional slave-catchers (fugitivarii) to go find di runaways. Dem dey post advertisement with clear description of di escaped slaves and dey dey offer rewards.

Slave-catching be serious police work wey join all four policing styles for Roman Empire, wey normally dey operate on their own side: civilian security, imperial guard, troops wey governors dey control, or public slaves wey dey act like police; and Roman army. Augustus dey bragg say e don catch 30,000 run-away slaves come pass dem back to their owners for punishment.

Even though Apostle Paul get love for runaway slaves, and some Christians dey take dem in, dem still dey worry as Empire dey turn Christian. The Synod of Gangra for mid-4th century go put any Christian wey dey encourage slaves to waka free under serious curse.

For Roman culture, if you be slave wey manage escape, you fit blend in and no one go notice you among free people. Some temples for Greece don dey shelter runaway slaves for long time, and during Imperial time, if you be fugitive, you fit claim asylum under emperor statue.

Androcles (1902) wey French painter Jean-Léon Gérôme draw am show different side of violence wey dey happen for Roman arena, wey na him help set modern visual style. Na fugitive slave be di main character for story wey we don sabi from Aesop fables. Di first written version of Androclus and di lion na Aulus Gellius talk am (2nd century AD). Androclus dey work for di house of di Roman proconsul for Africa, wey dey beat am every day for no reason. E wan escape, so e go hide for bush, ready to die from hunger, but e go find peace. When e see lion wey dey nurse im wounded paw, e remove di thorn wey dey hurt am, become caretaker for di beast. Di two dey live as pals for bush for three years, di lion dey provide food. One day as di lion dey hunt, Androclus dey waka, soldiers catch am, carry am back to Rome, and dem condemn am to di beasts for arena. But di lion wey e befriend don also fall into dem trap, instead of to attack am, di lion dey show am love. Even Caligula dey watch as spectator, and di emperor pardon both Androclus and di lion, wey dem later dey waka free for di city as buddies. Gellius draw di story around wetin Roman slaves dey face: desperation, escape, capture, punishment and di dream of mercy and freedom. Di lives of captives, slaves and fugitives dey always show for Roman culture. Plautus' 'Captivi' na comedy but e get plot wey involve kidnapping, enslavement, chaining, talk about flight, and severe punishments wey fit serve as warning to other slaves.

Punishments

As Romans dey increase dem slaves wey dem get, di fear wey dem get for dem sef dey grow, and di way dem dey discipline dem dey serious. Cato di Elder go whip im house slaves for small mistakes and chain im farm workers during winter. For di Satyricon, di fine household workers of di fiction free man Trimalchio include two torturers wey dey stand with whips. Di doctor Galen see slaves dey get kick, dey beat with fist, dem dey knocks dem teeth out or even gouge dem eyes. Him witness one slave wey dem blind with reed pen. Galen dey learn say make e no beat slave with hand but always use reed whip or strap. Di future king Commodus at age 12 dey order say make one of im bath men be thrown inside di furnace, but e no sure if dem carry out dat order.

For him book De Ira ('On Anger'), Seneca drop one hot story sobre di punishment wey dey fit di crime. One dinner party wey Vedius Pollio dey hold with Augustus dey around, one small slave break one crystal cup. Vedius get angry, order say make dem catch di boy and throw am inside lamprey ponda make dem feed am. Di boy wiggle escape and throw himself for Augustus feet, dey beg make dem kill am fast instead of make dem chop am alive— e sabi say di lamprey dey clamp im mouth for di victim and dey use im tongue chop blood. Augustus, wey dey surprise for di wickedness of di punishment, order say make dem free di boy, smash di rest of di crystal, and fill di lamprey pond. Vedius, wey turn big bad man for Latin literature, fall out of favor for dis plus other political wahala till Augustus finally tear down im villa.

Seneca dey use Vedius case for De Clementia talk say how dem dey torture slaves like dem dey throw snake for pit, and everybody no like Vedius because him dey too wicked. Dem kind wickedness wey be normal na im fit different from wetin head of house fit do if him see say person wrong but law no really stop slave owner from punishing him slave anyhow. Censors dey suppose check if any papa dey too cruel, but most time dem dey just dey relax or use am for their own wahala, and e no clear say dem go fit talk to dem mate wey dey abuse their slaves. Unless say e dey very clear, nobody fit shout on top. Di slave boy wey Vedius wan punish just happen see emperor wey no gree make such thing happen, na him fit stop wetin law fit allow. When slaves do real crime, dem punishment dey way worse pass wetin free people go face. Like if dem catch person wey dey forge, dem go send am go far away and collect im property, but if na slave, them go just kill am. Di freedom for Roman citizen, na to dey free from wahala and get chance to appeal after dem don give you death sentence. Dis kind talk still dey continue for early Imperial time: for Acts of the Apostles, when Paul talk say him dey use him right as Roman citizen, di centurion wey catch am sabi say him don mess up and go back.

For di later Imperial times, di line wey dem draw for "convict" and "slave" no dey show any real difference, as free people wey no too get status start dey face di same serious legal wahala wey slaves dey face before. Chaining be one legal punishment wey dem give with some conditions; dem order ten-pound chains for di enslaved wey rebel in 198 BC. Dem don find evidence of fetters, manacles, and shackles mostly for di northern areas, not too plenty for Italian villas. During di Republican times, big farms get ergastulum (plural ergastula) wey be place wey dem go keep workers underground, where slaves dey often chained for disobedience or crime. Slaves wey dem send go erga might end up dey fight for gladiatorial shows. Even though some scholars and modern ideas show chained slaves dey do hard work, no prove dey say agricultural slaves dey always dey work for chain gangs. Roman writers wey talk about farming no dey rate slaves wey need chaining as good farm labour, dem no want dem for commercial farms wey dey under absentee owners. If dem punish slave and put am for chains, dem go call am servus vinctus. For property talk, di "chained slave" go be labeled like dat for market and go sell for lower price. For legal status, after di Augustan law wey make some slaves be classified as dediticii, wey supposed be free but no get any rights, di servus vinctus go no fit gain citizenship even if dem free am.

Tattooing and branding

Mosaic wey com from early 4th century show two fishermen wey be Cupids for left side, dem dey wear serve-cloth, and dem get V for Venus wey dem tattoo for forehead, dey vex dem as love penal slaves. E be so say, runaway slaves fit get letter tattoo for their forehead, dem dey call am stigmata for Greek and Latin talk, na wetin dem dey do as punishment for hard labor. For Hellenistic Egypt, e be ban to tattoo slaves unless dey dey punish dem for criminal matter, and if dem tattoo forehead, e go come with beating. Romans learn tattooing for slaves from Greeks, wey carry am come from Persians. Attic comedy dey always yarn about slave stigmata, and one notable part for Latin literature be the Satyricon when Encolpius and Giton dey fake tattooing as wahala way no make sense. Greeks dey mostly tattoo slaves with text to show say dem be past fugitives, but for Rome, dem no get direct evidence wetin dem dey write for runaway forehead, though criminals dey usually label with wetin dem do. Literature dey talk about am, like when the epigrammatist Martial dey laugh person wey dress fine for theater, but him dey cover him inscribed forehead, and Libanius dey mention one slave wey dey grow hair to cover him stigmata. For inscriptions from Asclepius Temple for Epidaurus, Greek slaves wey don tattoo dey beg the god to remove their marks, and sometimes dem dey thank am if dem do am. Dem fit also try less miraculous way, like how different sources dey show medical procedure for removing stigmata, mostly with herbal remedies wey no guarantee success.

Di evidence for Roman wey dey brand slaves no too sure. Dem dey tortur slaves well well, dem fit use hot metal plates or rods wey go leave marks wey go fit be like brands, cause dem sabi brand animals for Roman world. Scars wey come from whipping too dey signify say dem don mark slaves. Slaves wey dey play beta visible role for house, especially women slaves, no dey get disgracing marks. Di ones wey dey labelled as bad criminals na di ones wey dey under dediticii, dem no get citizen rights even if dem free.

Collaring We dey see say na Roman practice to put 'humiliating' metal collar for neck of runaway slaves. E be like say di hope say dem go free dey motivate di slave biz, so Romans fit prefer removable collars instead of permanent scars, or to fit sell dem again.

Dem don document about forty-five examples of Roman slave collars, most of dem dey for Rome and central Italy, with three from Roman North Africa. All of dem dey from di Christian era of 4th and 5th century, some even get Christian chi-rho symbol or palm frond. Some still dey on necks of skeletons, show say dem fit wear am for life, no be just temporary ID; others fit don remove, lose, or throway. Dey dey about di same size as Roman neck shackles, snug enough to no let dem slip off di head but no too tight to stop dem from breathing.

Fugitive slave collars dey show up for urban areas, no be only hard labor places. One tag from Bulla Regia for Africa show say di fugitive wey dey wear am na meretrix, wey be money-making prostitute. Di tags dey usually write di owner name, status, and wetin dem dey do, plus di address wey dem go return di slave. Di common talk wey dem write for am na 'tene me' (hold me) plus either 'ne fugiam' (make I no run) or 'quia fugi' (because I don run). Di tag wey still dey intact say 'I don escape, catch me; if you return me to my master Zoninus, you go chop gold coin.'

Crucifixion

One of di earliest way wey dem fit show crucifixion of Jesus (around AD 420-430) for ivory carving wey also show Judas wey kill himself: di crucified Christ dey calm no be like say im dey suffer, yet e dey alive for dead tree, while Judas dey hang dead for living tree (British Museum).

Crucifixion na di capital punishment wey dem dey give slaves, traitors, and bandits. E no dey mention plenty for Greeks. Romans talk say dem learn di technique from di Carthaginians during di Punic Wars. Di first time wey dem describe crucifixion for Romans na 217 BC, and e happen to rebellious slaves; Hannibal don crucify one Italian wey dey guide am some weeks before, and Greeks and Romans dey sabi several previous crucifixions by di Carthaginians. Di few times wey dem fit mention Roman crucifixion before dat time fit just be old punishments like binding to stake, flogging, or hanging for tree and beating to death.

Curse tablets dey tell person wey dem no like make e kill e self by hanging, and di language get some link to crucifixion matter. From long time, when dem no dey give people death sentence anyhow, crucifixion don turn to wahala wey dey reserved for slaves during di Republican time, na di worst punishment wey fit happen to slave. Cicero dey shout say, if dem fit crucify Roman citizens, e go fit show how corrupt Verres be as governor for Sicily. One inscription from late 1st century BC show say law for Puteoli dey allow private citizens wey wan crucify slave to get executioner service. Di law talk say dem go carry di patibulum, wey be another way to call di cross, go di execution place, wey fit be carried by di slave wey go die, plus dem go whip am before dem nail am. For gladiatorial games, sometimes dem dey advertise crucifixions as part of di show, maybe e go lead to beast torture or burning, because e dey take time for person to die like dat. Even though crucifixion don reduce under di Christian emperors, Lactantius still dey reason say runaway slaves suppose whip, shackle, and even crucify dem. Suicide? One relief from Trajan's Column show di defeated Dacian king Decebalus surrounded by Roman cavalry, holding im sica to im throat before e go kill im self to escape captivity. Reports of mass suicide or individual suicide no rare for Roman world, like one time, some captured Germanic women tell Caracalla say dem go prefer make dem kill dem than to be enslaved. When e still order make dem sell dem, dem kill demself en masse, some even carry kill dia pikin first.

Dis kind act fit be seen as honorable or smart back in di days, and e no be rare say slave go go kill imself for di same reasons wey free person go do am, like serious sickness, religious wahala, or mental breakdown. But suicide for enslaved people fit also be di last way wey dem go fit fight back and escape di master's control or wahala. One slave wey belong to Cato dey so sad after him mess up wey he feel say im master go vex, he just kill imself. One inscription from Moguntiacum talk say one freedman kill im slave, and di slave go drown imself for river after dat. Roman law sabi say slaves fit reach point wey dem go wan kill demself. To try kill yourself na one info wey dem go need put for bill of sale as concern matter. But di law no always see slaves as criminals if dem run away in sorrow and try take dem life. Di jurist Paulus talk say, "A slave dey try commit suicide when e wan die out of bad mind or crime wey him do, but no when e fit no fit bear im body pain anymore." Slavery and Roman religion dey connect. Slaves dey play role for Roman religion since early times. Dem get Matralia, wey be women festival wey dem dey hold for June 11 for di goddess Mater Matuta, wey her temple na one of di oldest for Rome. According to di story, na di slave-born king Servius Tullius wey put di festival in place for sixth century BC. Di celebration involve beating of one slave girl by free women, wey go carry her enter temple then push her comot. Slave women no fit join at all.

Dem talk say dis scapegoat ritual show wetin di wives dey think about slave girls wey don enter di house as sexual hijackers. Anoda slaves' holiday (servorum dies festus) happen for August 13 to honor Servius Tullius. Like di Saturnalia, dis holiday come with role switch: di matron go wash di heads of her slaves, plus her own too. After Matronalia for March 1, matron go give her slaves big feast, just like di Saturnalian role switch. Each matron go chop with her own slaves as their domina or slave madam. Both Solinus and Macrobius see di feast as way to control obedience, because dem know say physical force no be di only way to dominate; social theory talk say di communal meal fit bring di family together by showing hierarchy through temporary change. Di temple of Feronia for Terracina for Latium na place wey special ceremonies dey happen for manumission. Di goddess be identified with Libertas, di personification of freedom, and she be di goddess wey dey protect freedmen. One stone for her temple write say 'make di deserving slaves sit down so dem fit stand up free.' Saturnalia be di Roman festival wey slaves sabi well, na December e dey happen, and na for dis time slaves go enjoy correct banquet, gamble, talk anyhow and do all di wahala wey dey no normal for dem. To mark dem temporary freedom, dem dey wear di pilleus, di cap of freedom, like di free citizens wey no dey wear anything for head. Some old stories talk say master and slave go chop together, while some talk say di slaves go chop first, or say di masters go even serve di food. Di practice fit don change over time.

Saturnalian license na give slaves chance to disrespect their masters small, plus dem no go fit punish dem. That poet Horace from Augustan go call their freedom of speech "December liberty" (libertas Decembri).

Festival of Handmaids

Dem dey honor slave women for Ancillarum Feriae wey happen for July 7. This holiday dey mark the service wey ancillae (female slaves or "handmaids") give to Rome during war with Fidenates for late 4th century BC. After dem don weak for the Gallic sack of Rome wey happen for 390 BC, Romans come face wahala from Fidenates wey dey ask dem make dem hand over their wives and virgin daughters as hostages to secure peace. One handmaid wey dem call Philotis or Tutula come get plan to trick the enemy: dem go wear free women clothes, spend one night for enemy camp, then send signal to Romans when be the best time to attack back. Though the story fit get some doubt, e show say Romans believe say dem don get plenty slaves before the Punic Wars.

Attendant wey hold ax for sacrifice, na popa or victimarius (from Carthage, 50-150 AD)

Temple slaves

Inside public slaves (servi publici), some dey serve Rome traditional religious practices. The cult of Hercules for Ara Maxima change to public slaves wey dey take care of am for 312 BC when the patrician families wey suppose maintain am don die finish.

Di calator be public slave wey dey help di flamens, di top priests for di state, and dey handle dem day-to-day wahala. One epitaph show sey one calator wey be augurs don rise to big position after e serve as dispensator (wey dey keep accounts) for one senator; dem don free am before e die at age 32. Di popa, wey dem dey show for sacrifice processions wey dey carry mallet or axe to strike di sacrifice animal, na public slave too as per late dey talk. For di East, especially for di first century BC, plenty "holy" slaves (Greek hierodouloi) dey serve for temples like Ma for Comana, Cappadocia, wey 6,000 male and female slaves dey serve, and di Great Mother for Pessinus in Galatia. Di talk sey hierodouloi for Roman time dey do sacred prostitution na just modern fantasy, as dem see prostitutes for temples and festivals, as dem dey mix with di community or dey sell dem self where customers dey gather. Temple slaves no be chattel wey dem dey trade; and Romans, wey sabi sey religion dey keep society in order, no fit capitalize on dem like dat. Strabo talk sey di chief priest of di Temple of Ma for Comana no get di right to sell hierodouloi; but since temple places dey often connect with trading centers, e fit mean sey dem dey play some role for di slave trade.

Mithraic cult

Dedication to Mithras by the Imperial slave Atimetus

The Mithraic mysteries na for slaves and free guys too, and for some cult places, plenty offerings dey come from slaves, sometimes na because of their masters well-being. Vitalis wey be slave, we sabi am from three inscriptions wey dey involve Mithras for Apulum (Alba Iulia for present-day Romania). The best one wey preserve well na the altar dedication to Sol Invictus for one free man wey fit be him master or another Mithraic initiate. Vitalis na arcarius, wey be treasurer for imperial customs; him position help am gather enough money to set up stone monuments.

Plenty Mithraic inscriptions from the empire dey show names of both private slaves and imperial slaves, and even one Pylades wey dey Rome wey be slave of imperial slave. Mithraic cult wey value submission to authority and hierarchy, dey fit well with how Roman society be, so slave participation no dey cause wahala for social order.

Early Christian church

Christianity give slaves equal place for the religion, allow dem join for liturgy. According to tradition, Pope Clement I (around 92–99), Pope Pius I (158–167), and Pope Callixtus I (around 217–222) be former slaves too.

Commemoration

More gist: Roman burial style

Epitaphs be one of di commonest ways wey Roman people dey write, as dem mix two big things for Roman life: care for dead and wetin Ramsay MacMullen call di "epigraphic habit". Epitaphs wey Roman people dey write different from di Greeks because dem dey add di name of di person wey dey commemorate plus di name of di dead person. Commemorations dey for slaves and wey slaves dey do.

"Eros di cook, slave of Posidippus, dey here" (CIL VI, 6246)

Simple epitaphs for house slaves fit dey for di family tomb. Dis inclusion go make di domus strong by adding more people wey fit carry maintain di tomb and do di many rituals for di dead for di Roman religious calendar.

Di commemoration of slaves most times include dem job—cook, jeweler, hairdresser—or dem tools wey show wetin dem dey do. Di funerary relief of di freed silversmith Publius Curtilius Agatho show am dey work on cup wey no finish by in left hand. E dey hold hammer for right hand, and punch or graver for left. Despite di fine details of in craft, Agatho dey wear toga—wey Getty Museum curator Kenneth Lapatin compare to person wey dey go work for tuxedo—showing in pride as citizen, just like di choice of marble instead of di common limestone fit show how successful e be.

Di Colchester Vase from Roman Britain (c. 175 AD) get di names of four gladiators wey dem inscribe for di top; for dis side, di murmillo Secundus dey fight di retiarius Marius.

Even though dem no dey write am for tombstones, you fit sabi di status of di dead pipo by some Latin abbreviations like SER for slave; VERN or VER for vernae, dem slaves wey born inside di family; or LIB for freed pipo. Dem gladiators no dey carry any status, dem be social outcasts, whether dem freeborn, manumitted, or enslaved before dem die; na by di fighting style dem dey use identify dem like retiarius or murmillo or sometimes as LIBER, wey be freeborn but no plenty dey shout am. Gladiators wey don blow fit still dey remembered by fans (amatores) for popular culture—dem dey show dem pictures, sometimes with name, for everyday things like oil lamps and vessels.

Epitaphs dey only represent slaves wey their masters favor more or belong to some community groups wey take care of dead bodies. With their master permission, slaves fit join burial societies with free pipo wey no get plenty money and freed slaves wey dey gather resources to ensure decent burial and remember dem well. Most slaves no get chance to build relationships with free pipo or enter social networks; dem dey throw dem for mass graves alongside 'free' pipo wey dey poor.

Di poet Horace, wey be son of freedman, write say "one fellow slave wey dey carry di dead bodies go narrow rooms for cheap chest; na here dem lay di common grave of di wretched masses."

Though slaves no fit make contracts or handle legal matters for dem own name, e dey possible say master fit allow him slave make informal arrangements wey go function like will.

Slavery and Roman Morality

Statuette of a Slave from Bursa Archaeological Museum

Slavery dey happen for every community wey dey Greco-Roman world, even for Jewish and Christian people wey sometimes dey find am hard to balance their beliefs with the matter. Some Jewish groups like the Essenes and Therapeutae talk say dem no gree support slavery, and dat one make dem look like strange dreamers for their time. For Latin literature and law, dem dey call humanitas when dem dey relate to slaves, meaning say you for treat dem like real human beings. Pliny talk say any master wey dey treat him slaves just based on money no be fully human.

The way wey manumission dey easy and some Roman laws wey dey help ease slavery make some scholars see Roman slavery as beta matter, or at least more open pass the race-based Atlantic slave trade. Plenty slaves dey suffer for hard work but dem no dey really talk for ancient stories, while freedmen and imperial slaves wey dey enjoy social movement dey show because dem succeed: "dem pass the slave-owning mentality go those wey don suffer am before."

The Roman idea of virtue and wetin e mean to be moral no be based on the value of one life or protecting am, no matter the social level. For early Rome when dem dey form the Twelve Tables, dem dey see murder as something wey fit dirty the community and need remedy. To kill person fit dey okay if e go remove wahala from the community, like during war or for capital punishment; homicide no be law matter under Roman law until 80 BC.

'Life' wey person dey live, e no get meaning, according to Jörg Rüpke wey talk about Roman morality. 'E just dey matter as tool.' The value of slave life no be same as general wey dey conquer: if you kill slave—dem call am 'speaking tool'—na property loss be that. But for Satyricon, Petronius make Trimalchio talk say 'slaves too be humans. Di milk dem drink be di same, even if bad fate dey follow dem.' When lawyers dey fight for slaves, dem dey use Roman talk about moral duty, decency, respect, tradition morals, and kindness wey fit stop heart to harden. Di many times wey literature and law dey recognize slave's humanity; di way owner dey show small affection for slave; and how Stoics dey plead for humane treatment cause tension. E dey create dissonance within moral setting wey mostly rely on utilitarianism or 'enlightened self-interest.' Peter Garnsey for him book Ideas of Slavery from Aristotle to Augustine break down six moral views wey show different 'anxieties and tensions' wey dey exist for slavery during Classical times for Greek, Roman, Jewish, and Christian minds:

1. Slavery dey natural, na wetin Aristotle talk.

2. Slavery fit make sense for di utility—culturally, dis one be di main view.

3. Slavery be evil and suppose be condemned as institution—na 'few and isolated' voices wey no be abolitionist movement.

4. Slavery fit dey misused, and if dem misuse am, like when dem catch free people put for slavery, e go fit get criticism and correction.

5. Slaves na human beings wey deserve better treatment.

6. E get obligation to make the life wey slaves dey live better.

Stoic philosophy

Stoics believe say all human beings get dignity, even slaves and women. Cicero wey be Stoic, no see slaves as inferior by nature. Dignity bi something wey dey inside person, no go let external wahala like slavery or poverty touch am. But if person no fit manage him own self, e go damage him dignity. Anger and wahala go hurt the person wey feel am, so slave owner suppose dey show mercy towards those wey dey under dem control. But because compassion dey based on feelings, e no for be the reason for political action—true freedom na wisdom, and true slavery na lack of am. Stoics no dey see the material and institutional conditions wey fit help human beings grow as important, so dem no get gist for abolition, dem just dey see slavery as 'no big deal' like Martha Nussbaum talk. From philosophical angle, wetin matter na how the slave owner dey behave, no be the changing of law.

Epicurean philosophy be matter wey get plenty sense. Dem Epicureans no dey like the way some people go talk say some pipo dey born to be slaves, e no make sense to dem. For dem, slavery na just wahala wey fit happen to anywhere, e no be say e be who you be from inside. But e no mean say dem dey push for make dem free all slaves. Just like Stoics and other philosophy gabs, dem dey use slavery talk as metaphor, like how pipo dey bond with custom or mental wahala.

The Epicurean poet and philosopher Philodemus (1st century BC) write book wey dem dey call On Anger wey him go tell masters no make dem carry wahala and bad things come their slaves; him talk say the kaba wey slaves dey cause na because of the wrongs wey their masters dey do. For another book wey dem dey call On Property Management, Philodemus talk say make slaves fit learn moral things, say dem dey capable, dem fit act as moral agents too.

A good property manager suppose show love, understanding, give, and treat slaves and everybody wey work for am well, but the greedy manager no go mind to chop from slave work for the mines. But e no be bad to make money from property, if e dey fair and slaves dey use their skills well without stressing dem too much.

Early Christian people dey think about slavery

See plus: The Bible and slavery and Christianity and slavery

Roman Christians talk say slaves be human beings, no be things (res), but even though dem see slaves as people wey get soul wey need save, Jesus wey come from Nazareth no talk anything about stopping slavery, and the church people no dey advise against owning slaves for the first two centuries wey Christianity dey exist. The parables wey Jesus talk wey English fit call “servants” actually talk about slaves (Greek douloi), and the “faithful parabolic slave” dey get more responsibilities instead of freedom.

No plenty evidence show say Christian teachers for the Roman time dey see slavery as bad morally. Some top Christian leaders like Gregory of Nyssa and John Chrysostom talk say make we treat slaves well and condemn slavery, while others dey support am. Dem sabi say Christians fit hear say dem dey hypocrite from outside the faith, like Lactantius talk say both slave and free dey equal before God. Salvian, one Christian monk wey dey write for Christian slaveowners for Gaul around AD 440, talk say kind treatment fit make people obey better than to beat dem, but he still see slaves as 'wicked and worthy of our scorn', and he no fit imagine society without slavery. Saint Augustine wey come from rich family and likely grow up wey slavery dey happen, describe slavery as something wey go against wetin God want and fit happen because of sin.

Sexual ethics and attitudes wey dey play for ancient Rome be interesting matter. E be like slaves dem be property for Roman law, so slave owners fit use dem for sex or rent dem out make dem serve other people. The way sexual matter dey be for Jewish community change well-well but by 2nd century AD, dem still dey think say male slave owners go fit access female slaves for dem own house, and nobody criticize am for New Testament. But dem deny use of prostitutes. Salvian wey talk for 5th century AD, e vex say people wey dey see their female slaves as way to satisfy their sexual needs, na im same like wetin pagan masters dey do back in time of Martial. Roman morality dey try calm things small, if high-class slave owners dey use their family for sex, people go dey talk if e too much or e no dey proper. Na shame for upper-class man if e dey sleep with female slave wey dey for house, but the slave no get right to agree or no. How dem dey treat slaves show how proper dem house be. The materfamilias especially go dey judged by how her female slaves dey behave sexually, dem dey expect say e go dey moral or at least discreet; as domina, she fit control sexual access to her female slaves wey be her property. This decorum fit help reduce sexual exploitation of ancillae for the house, plus men fit easily find cheap and specialized sex services from professional sex workers outside.

Slave dem no fit express dem sexuality anyhow. Estate owner dey always lock male slaves activities to only females wey he own too; any pikin wey come from dem go increase him riches. Dem go encourage female slaves for estate to born pikin with approved men, because dem value slaves wey dem raise for house. E no get plenty proof say estate owners dey buy women just to 'breed', because the number of tasks wey women fit do dey limit the ratio of male to female slaves. Two slaves dey stand as bride dey wake up to her sexuality for her wedding night, for one fresco from Casa della Farnesina, Trastevere. Even with all the control wey dey on slave sexuality, Roman art and literature dey show slaves as plenty sexual and perverted, wey show say dem get mixed feelings about master-slave relationship. Roman art lovers no dey shy to display sexual stuff for dem house, but when slaves dey show for erotic painting, dem dey either dey background or dey do side tasks, no dey enjoy sex.

But e be say most prostitutes na slaves or women wey don free, and dem paintings wey dem find for Roman brothels (lupanaria) show prostitutes dey do sex work. Sex services no cost much, so urban male slaves fit go brothels enjoy, just like upper-class guys dey do, making lupanar one of the places wey dey equal for men for Roman society. Like slavery, prostitution be legal way to use human body wey no be your own—and for both, free person suppose fight am for liberty matter. The way Roman sex be, adult man fit enjoy same-sex without worry about him virility, but e go fit do am only as dominance, no with him mates or their small pikin—so e be limit him male partners to prostitutes or slaves. The poet Martial talk about specialized market for this need wey dey for Julian Saepta for Campus Martius. Seneca vex say e no good make male slave dey groom like woman and dey used for sex, because slave no suppose lose him dignity. Eunuchs wey dem cut before ten years no dey plenty and dem dey expensive like skilled worker. The trade for eunuch slaves during Hadrian time make law wey ban castration of slave wey no agree 'for lust or gain'. The plenty law and argument for slavery and prostitution show say Romans sabi the moral wahala between their family values and forcing woman do prostitution. The contract when dem sell slave fit include ne serva prostituatur wey no allow make dem use slave as prostitute.

Dem no fit touch di restriction as e dey last through di time dem dey carry dem slaves sell am, and if e happen say dem break di rule, di slave wey dem use anyhow go fit free, no matta if di buyer sabi di covenant wey dey ground. No law stop Roman man from using di slaves wey e get for sex, but e no fit force any slave wey e like for di matter; if e try am, e fit be like say e dey thief property, since di owner get di right to im own thing. If free man force imsef on anoda person slave for sex, dem no fit charge am for rape because di slave no get legal right. But di owner wey wan report person wey rape im slave fit do am under di Lex Aquilia law wey go help am collect property damage. For Latin and Imperial Greek literature, slaves dey show plenty for Roman literature wey di elite dey write or read, like history, letters, drama, satire, and prose. Dem stories fit help understand di master-slave relationship based on di way slaves dey behave and di punishment wey dem dey face. Di literary examples dey often look at extreme cases, like when dem crucify plenti slaves for di murder of dia master, and even though dem things no dey happen often, di issues go surely dey worry di authors and dia audience. Lost wey people dey think say na slaves or former slaves write include history of Sicilian slave rebellions by Caecilius of Calacte and biographical work by Hermippos of Berytus wey talk about slaves wey dem dey praise for dia intelligence.

Roman comedy

Mosaic wey show scene from Roman comedy, slave dey chain (Tunisia, 3rd century AD)

Bronze figure of actor wey wear comic mask and dey play slave (3rd century AD)

Main article: Theatre of ancient Rome

Slaves plenty for Roman comedies of Plautus and Terence. For Roman comedy, servi or slaves be majority characters, dem fit fall into two main types: loyal slaves and tricksters. Loyal slaves dey always help dem master for plan to find lover—na wetin dey drive plot for Roman comedy. Slaves dey often dull, shy, and dey worry wetin go happen to dem if punishment come.

Trickster slaves dem plenty, and dem dey use master wahala take create “topsy-turvy” world wey dem be masters and dem masters go dey serve dem. Master go dey ask slave for favor, but slave go only agree if master don show say na him dey in charge, dey beg am and call am lord, sometimes even god. Dem dey threaten these slaves with plenty punishment for dem tricks, but dem always use sense escape wetin go happen to dem.

Plautus plays show say slavery be “complex matter wey sabi create wahala for human relationships wey involve masters and slaves.”

Terence bring new side for how slaves dey show for him plays, because e be former slave. For him work Andria, slaves dey center for plot. Many times for the play, slaves dey fit join activities, like inner lives of their owners, wey no be norm for slaves for society. Dis one na satire by Terence because the things wey dey happen between slaves and citizens for him plays na unrealistic matter.

See also

• Slavery in ancient Greece
• Slavery in antiquity
• History of slavery
• Slavery in the Eastern Roman Empire

Notes

1. Aliza Steinberg notes the decorated tunics (tunicae manicatae) of the two free men being served.
2. This timeline is a framework for understanding periods of Roman history as they are referred to in this article. It is not meant as definitional.
3. A core period of Roman history producing the most abundant extant literary sources.^{[according to whom?]}
4. This article treats the Christianization of the Roman Empire as a turning point that affects legislative, moral, social, and cultural concerns.
5. The Edict of Milan is here taken as the beginning of the Christianization of the Roman state and the eventual suppression of religious pluralism in the Roman Empire.
6. Isidore of Seville is the latest primary source regarded as "ancient" by the scholarship on which this article is based.
7. In 36 BC, during a failed attempt to recover the standards lost, Mark Antony is supposed to have been guided by a survivor of Carrhae who had served under Parthians: Velleius Paterculus 2.82; Florus 2.20.4; Plutarch, Antony 41.1. in the 1940s, American sinologist Homer H. Dubs stirred up both scholarly imagination and scholarly indignation in a series of articles and finally a book arguing that enslaved Roman survivors of Carrhae were traded, or escaped and settled, as far as China.
8. Some captives from Carrhae and from two later attempts to avenge the defeat may have been restored in 20 BC when Augustus negotiated the return of the standards.
9. W. W. Buckland, whose early 20th-century book on Roman law pertaining to slavery remains an essential reference, gave up on "the hopeless task of defining liberty" (The Roman Law of Slavery, p. 437).
10. Other words used to refer to the slave include homo (human being of any gender), famulus (referring to the slave's role within the familia), ancilla (a female slave; serva was less common), and puer (boy).^{[citation needed]}
11. In her essay "The Concept of Commercium in the Roman Republic," Saskia T. Roselaar notes that "farmland" may have been defined more narrowly as land designated as ager Romanus.
12. Saller in Patriarchy, Property and Death in the Roman Family: "Rome has provided the paradigm of patriarchy in western thought", based on "the paterfamilias with his unlimited legal powers over members of his familia. … The Roman family was unquestionably patriarchal, in the sense that it was defined with reference to the father, who was endowed with a special authority in the household … a striking potestas encompassing extensive coercive and proprietary rights." Saller asserts throughout that this is a reductively legalistic view that in no way encompasses the full range of emotional and moral relations within the family.
13. The phrase vitae necisque potestas is not used to express a husband's power over his wife, though summary execution of a wife was considered justifiable under some circumstances, such as adultery or drunkenness, that varied by historical period. In early Rome, marriage contracted in manu put wives in a subordinate position; from the time of Augustus, a married woman remained under her own father's power, granting a female Roman citizen an unusual degree of independence from her husband relative to many other ancient societies. In the event of divorce, wealth the wife brought into the marriage remained attached to her, along with profits generated.
14. A few scholars,^[who?] who assert otherwise, overlook juristic discussions of family law in which contubernium is cited as extralegal or ad hoc marriage even though not matrimony by law.
15. See also "Parental sale".
16. Generally, fertility also is a motive for the purchase of female slaves; according to one survey of the evidence, more than 30 percent of women traded were of prime childbearing age (20 to 25).
17. The view of manumissio vindicta as a fictitious trial concerning rei vindicatio was promulgated by Mommsen; some scholars^[who?] see it as a more straightforward procedure.^{[citation needed]}
18. A perimeter of banishment is found in an unusual case of AD 9, when the Germans under Arminius captured Romans after the Battle of Teutoburg Forest. Mistrusting the loyalty of the army of the Rhine, which would have preferred Germanicus as emperor, Tiberius only reluctantly permitted these prisoners of war to be ransomed, with the provision that they were banned from Italy. Vasile Lica, "Clades Variana and Postliminium", Historia 50:4 (2001), pp. 598 and 601, especially n. 31, notes that the soldiers should have been eligible for full postliminium restoration of their citizenship status (see "Enslavement of Roman citizens" above) but "politics was more important than the lex [law]."
19. In contrast to those wearing a cap (the pilleati) indicating that the seller offered no warranty on the slaves.
20. Most Roman adoptions were of an adult son to carry on the family line when there were no heirs. Adoption was a complex legal process involving inheritance rights and concomitant duties to the house and family gods, and not a usual way to bring a young child into a family to nurture.
21. The age of the second child is less legible
22. The policing action of Rhodes has also been seen as a "naval protection racket" that allowed it to exercise control over shipping in the name of suppressing "piracy"
23. The stand has sometimes been described as revolving, based on a mention in the poetry of Statius (1st century AD).
24. In "The Later Roman Colonate and Freedom", Miroslava Mirković notes that, in other contexts, the ergastulum seems to be a penal workhouse not necessarily for agricultural labor, as when Livy (2.2.6) contrasts a debtor who is led non in servitium sed in ergastulum, "not into slavery but into the workhouse".
25. Eusebius, writing of those who were subjected to mutilations that reduced their capacity to work and were then sent to the copper mines "not so much for service as for the sake of ill treatment and hardship" (Historia Ecclesiastica 8.12.10).
26. Since slaves could not enter into a marriage contract, "wife" usually refers to a contubernalis, a spouse in a sort of common-law marriage or a marriage conducted according to rites not recognized within Roman law. If a dispensator wished to retain the advantages of his position, he might arrange to have his contubernalis manumitted instead of himself so that any children they had would be born as free citizens.
27. Jason Paul Wickham, in The Enslavement of War Captives by the Romans to 146 BC, notes the difficulty in estimating the size of the slave population and the supply needed to maintain and grow the population.
28. No contemporary or systematic census of slave numbers is known; in the Empire, under-reporting of male slave numbers would have reduced the tax liabilities attached to their ownership.
29. In Africa in Europe: Antiquity into the Age of Global Expansion, Stefan Goodwin explains that "Roman slavery was a nonracist and fluid system."
30. A similar conclusion is expressed by Dale B. Martin,
31. Noting Cicero's tactful if condescending dismissal that "professions such as medicine, architecture, and teaching of the liberal arts which either involve higher learning or are utilitarian to no small degree are honorable for those whose social status they are suited" (De officiis 1.42.151)—that status not being senatorial.
32. Because of the cultural importance of carrying on family lineage, Roman names are of limited variety, so that members of the same gens are often readily confused with one another in the historical sources.
33. For example, Gaius Julius Vercondaridubnus was an Aeduan Gaul who held the first high priesthood in the imperial cult at the Sanctuary of the Three Gauls in the first century BC; his cognomen is distinctively Celtic, and his praenomen and gens name may indicate that Julius Caesar himself granted his family's citizenship,
34. The status of some servants he names is not clear from context; they could be either slaves or freedmen still working for him.
35. Pliny the Elder describes the "fillet-bearer" (diadumenos) statue type as a molliter iuvenis, a young man depicted with grace and softness (Natural History 34.55.
36. See also "Temple slaves".
37. So argued by Bruun, "Greek or Latin? The owner's choice of names for vernae in Rome." Bruun also argues that naming your own children might have been one of the perks of being a verna.^{[citation needed]}
38. The scene may suggest^{[according to whom?]} a sequential narrative—changing into party shoes, drinking, the aftermath upon departure—rather than the simultaneous actions of two different guests.
39. Some scholars^[who?] question whether Sicilian grain production or ranching was extensive enough at this time to sustain such large-scale slaveholding, or the extent to which the rebellions might also have attracted poorer or disadvantaged free persons.
40. Athenion's name is inscribed on several sling bullets found at multiple sites in Sicily.
41. Fishkeeping was a hobby dear to some upperclass Romans, both for pleasure and as a source of fresh delicacies for the table. Lampreys (muraenae) were eaten, but some scholars^[who?] have wondered whether Vedius may rather have kept moray eels for this purpose.^{[citation needed]}
42. Some collars have been lost after being documented in the early modern era.
43. The owners range in rank from a linen manufacturer to a consul.
44. The text of the inscription is not entirely clear on this point, but references in Plautus make the slave as the bearer of the cross the more likely reading. The patibulum may be only the crossbar that distinguishes a cross from the stake.^{[citation needed]}
45. On social theory, Dolansky cites C. Grignon, "Commensality and Social Morphology: An Essay of Typology", in Food, Drink, and Identity, ed.P. Scholliers (Oxford 2001), pp. 23–33, and Seneca, Epistle 47.14.
46. The calendar of Polemius Silvius is the only one to record the holiday.^{[citation needed]}
47. These were the Potitia and the Pinaria gentes
48. Also temples of a local Zeus in Morimene, Cappadocia; of the Men of Pharnaces at Cabeira; and of Anaitis at Zela (modern-day Zile, Turkey).
49. Gaca's argument is not primarily based on property rights but on the idea that rape would be an imposition of the military sphere on the domus.

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General references

• Bowman, Alan K.; Garnsey, Peter; Rathbone, Dominic (1982). The Cambridge Ancient History XI: The High Empire, A.D. 70–192. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-26335-1.
• Santosuosso, Antonio (2001). Storming the Heavens. Westview Press. ISBN 978-0-8133-3523-0.

Read further

• Fitzgerald, William. 2000. Slavery and the Roman Literary Imagination. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press.
• Hunt, Peter. 2018. Ancient Greek and Roman Slavery. Chichester, UK: Wiley Blackwell.
• Garrido, Jacobo Rodríguez (2023). Emperadores y esclavos (in Spanish). Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté. ISBN 978-2-84867-961-7.
• Sayın, Baha Yigit (2020). Roma'da Köle ve Hukuku (in Turkish). XII Levha Yayınevi. ISBN 978-625-7899-42-0.
• Yavetz, Zvi (1988-01-01). Slaves and Slavery in Ancient Rome. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-1-4128-3413-1.